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| GENERAL SECRETARY : COM PRAKASH KARAT |
Tuesday, April 10, 2012
Resolutions Passed at the 20th Party Congress of CPIM (Page 5)
18. Ensure Social Security for All Toilers
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands that all sections of the toiling people, particularly the vulnerable sections, be brought under the cover of social security. The Central government should allocate adequate financial resources to ensure universal social security.
Social security benefits like pension, provident fund, health insurance etc. are hard won rights of the working class secured through decades of struggle in the twentieth century. These gains are now being reversed through privatisation of pension funds, provident funds and cuts in subsidies and welfare benefits. The neoliberal austerity measures being implemented across the world today specifically target the social security benefits in order to pass on the burden of the economic crisis to the working people.
In India, the overwhelming majority of the 46 crore strong workforce, a large number of them women, is outside the cover of any social security. The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) estimated that 93% of the total workforce was employed in the unorganised sector in 2004-05. The situation has not improved since then, as the NSS 2009-10 data clearly show. This vast mass of people, comprising of the informal sector workers, contractual labourers, self-employed persons, agricultural workers and small peasants, are not entitled to any pension, provident fund or health insurance. The pension schemes for old-aged persons, widows or the disabled persons are so restrictive that the bulk of these vulnerable sections do not benefit from them.
The Unorganised Workers' Social Security Act, enacted in 2008 on the eve of the general elections, has thoroughly failed to provide for universal and comprehensive social security. Ten already existing social welfare schemes, most of which cover only the BPL segments of the population, have been extended to the unorganised sector workers. With the ridiculously low BPL criteria of the government, more than 90% of the unorganised sector workers are left out of the purview of these schemes. The important recommendations of the NCEUS for universal coverage have been ignored. Only in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura under the Left Front have sought to implement the recommendations.
The Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY), which is mostly restricted to the BPL population. Budget 2012 proposes to spend Rs. 1568 crore on RSBY (including MGNREGA workers) in the current year, which amounts to only around Rs. 550 worth of benefits per worker. Such a token amount will fail to provide any meaningful health insurance coverage. The National Social Security Fund for Unorganised Workers has not been allocated additional funds after the initial allocation of Rs. 1000 crore in 2010.
This Congress holds that health schemes in the name of health security using an insurance model actually channels public funds to private medical sector. India requires a strong public health system which will provide comprehensive health care.
The existing social security cover for the organised sector employees, both in the public and private sectors, is also under threat. The interest rate for the Employees Provident Fund has once again been slashed from 9.5% to 8.25%, affecting millions of workers and employees. The PFRDA Bill seeks to privatise pension funds, allow FDI in the sector and facilitate the investment of pension funds in the speculative stock market.
Under the Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension scheme, a measly amount of Rs. 400 to Rs. 500 per month is given to old age persons under BPL, out of which the central government bears only Rs. 200 per person. The needs of senior citizens are grossly neglected. Despite repeated demands, the Government has refused to enact legislation to ensure comprehensive social security for the agricultural workers, who are the most exploited. Bulk of the rural poor in India is outside any social security coverage. The paltry budgetary allocations for the social security schemes constrain the capacity of the Central and State governments to expand the coverage of social security. The total Central Plan Outlay for social security and welfare in Budget 2012 was Rs. 18190 crore, which is only around 0.18% of GDP.
The neo-liberal policies pursued by the central government seek to restrict social security to mere tokenism. The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) demands that the government abandon its anti-people approach and make adequate financial allocations to ensure universal coverage of minimum social security benefits comprising of:
Social security benefits like pension, provident fund, health insurance etc. are hard won rights of the working class secured through decades of struggle in the twentieth century. These gains are now being reversed through privatisation of pension funds, provident funds and cuts in subsidies and welfare benefits. The neoliberal austerity measures being implemented across the world today specifically target the social security benefits in order to pass on the burden of the economic crisis to the working people.
In India, the overwhelming majority of the 46 crore strong workforce, a large number of them women, is outside the cover of any social security. The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) estimated that 93% of the total workforce was employed in the unorganised sector in 2004-05. The situation has not improved since then, as the NSS 2009-10 data clearly show. This vast mass of people, comprising of the informal sector workers, contractual labourers, self-employed persons, agricultural workers and small peasants, are not entitled to any pension, provident fund or health insurance. The pension schemes for old-aged persons, widows or the disabled persons are so restrictive that the bulk of these vulnerable sections do not benefit from them.
The Unorganised Workers' Social Security Act, enacted in 2008 on the eve of the general elections, has thoroughly failed to provide for universal and comprehensive social security. Ten already existing social welfare schemes, most of which cover only the BPL segments of the population, have been extended to the unorganised sector workers. With the ridiculously low BPL criteria of the government, more than 90% of the unorganised sector workers are left out of the purview of these schemes. The important recommendations of the NCEUS for universal coverage have been ignored. Only in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura under the Left Front have sought to implement the recommendations.
The Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY), which is mostly restricted to the BPL population. Budget 2012 proposes to spend Rs. 1568 crore on RSBY (including MGNREGA workers) in the current year, which amounts to only around Rs. 550 worth of benefits per worker. Such a token amount will fail to provide any meaningful health insurance coverage. The National Social Security Fund for Unorganised Workers has not been allocated additional funds after the initial allocation of Rs. 1000 crore in 2010.
This Congress holds that health schemes in the name of health security using an insurance model actually channels public funds to private medical sector. India requires a strong public health system which will provide comprehensive health care.
The existing social security cover for the organised sector employees, both in the public and private sectors, is also under threat. The interest rate for the Employees Provident Fund has once again been slashed from 9.5% to 8.25%, affecting millions of workers and employees. The PFRDA Bill seeks to privatise pension funds, allow FDI in the sector and facilitate the investment of pension funds in the speculative stock market.
Under the Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension scheme, a measly amount of Rs. 400 to Rs. 500 per month is given to old age persons under BPL, out of which the central government bears only Rs. 200 per person. The needs of senior citizens are grossly neglected. Despite repeated demands, the Government has refused to enact legislation to ensure comprehensive social security for the agricultural workers, who are the most exploited. Bulk of the rural poor in India is outside any social security coverage. The paltry budgetary allocations for the social security schemes constrain the capacity of the Central and State governments to expand the coverage of social security. The total Central Plan Outlay for social security and welfare in Budget 2012 was Rs. 18190 crore, which is only around 0.18% of GDP.
The neo-liberal policies pursued by the central government seek to restrict social security to mere tokenism. The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) demands that the government abandon its anti-people approach and make adequate financial allocations to ensure universal coverage of minimum social security benefits comprising of:
- Old age pension above 60 years and extended benefits for senior citizens
- Widow pension
- Maternity benefits etc
- Life and accidental coverage
- Disability allowance
- A public health system tat is adequately financed and accessible to all
These social security benefits should be extended to all sections of the toiling people: the informal sector workers including home-based workers, contractual labourers, self-employed persons, agricultural workers and small peasants. The BPL eligibility criteria for social security should be discarded forthwith.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon all sections of the toiling people to unite and launch sustained struggles to secure their right to social security.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon all sections of the toiling people to unite and launch sustained struggles to secure their right to social security.
19.Resolution on Unemployment
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) expresses deep concern at the failure of the Indian state to ensure adequate employment opportunities for the masses in rural and urban areas. The most recent data point to a grim future for millions of young men and women if the present policies are to continue. It also shows that the much proclaimed growth story of the Indian economy is a jobless and job loss growth.
According to the National Sample Survey data for 2009-10, there is a sharp decrease in employment growth in India, from an annual rate of around 2.7 per cent during 2000-2005 to only 0.8 per cent during 2005-2010. Growth in nonagricultural employment fell from 4.65 per cent per year to 2.53 per cent, even at a time when annual GDP growth was above 8 per cent, during the latter period. The MGNREGA has not been able to ensure more than 40 to 50 days of work per household in a year, despite the statutory commitment to provide 100 days of work.
The unemployment rate for the youth in the 15 to 29 years age group remains at very high levels. For rural young males it was 10.9 per cent and for rural young females 12 percent. The figures in urban areas is equally disturbing, at 10.5 per cent for young men and as high as 18.9 per cent for young women. In both the rural and urban areas, unemployment rate among the educated (secondary and above) persons of 15 years old and above was higher than those whose education level was lower than secondary school.
Even though large numbers of unemployed do not register themselves at the Government employment exchanges, the number of job seekers registered with the 966 employment exchanges across the country stood at a staggering 3.81 crore at the end of 2009, out of which 2.9 crore were educated jobseekers and 90 lakh uneducated jobseekers. As against the registration of over 62 lakh job seekers in 2011, only 4.7 lakh placements were made through employment exchanges.
In this situation of galloping unemployment, the 20th Congress of the CPI (M) strongly protests against the virtual ban on recruitments by the Central Government and public sector units. The 20th Congress also strongly protests against the policy of abolition of vacant posts in various government departments being pursued by the government. There are above 10 lakh vacancies lying unfilled in various central government departments, with the number of unfilled vacancies in the police and defense forces alone amount to over 7 lakh. The number of vacancies in Group C and erstwhile Group D posts in the railways as on 1st April 2011 was over 2.2 lakh. Vacancies also exist for skilled professionals such as teachers, doctors, scientists, statisticians, economists etc. Half of these vacancies belong to SC, ST and OBC categories.
Since the Government which is the main employer in the organized sector refuses to take measures to expand employment opportunities, it is hardly surprising that the total organized sector employment in India was only 2.87 crore in 2010, out of a total workforce of over 46 crore (i.e. around 6%). Employment in the organized sector, public and private combined, has grown by only 2.3 per cent in 2009 and 1.9 per cent in 2010.
This reveals the real nature of India's much proclaimed growth story. An utterly lopsided pattern of growth has meant that while agriculture's share in GDP has declined to just 15 per cent today, the workforce dependent on agriculture still remains as high as 52 per cent. Growth in the services and industrial sectors is failing to generate adequate jobs to absorb surplus workforce from agriculture. Such jobless growth is also creating a growing divide between the urban and the rural areas and widening socio-economic inequalities in an unprecedented manner.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon its units to organize the unemployed people, particularly the youth, and launch agitations on the following demands:
According to the National Sample Survey data for 2009-10, there is a sharp decrease in employment growth in India, from an annual rate of around 2.7 per cent during 2000-2005 to only 0.8 per cent during 2005-2010. Growth in nonagricultural employment fell from 4.65 per cent per year to 2.53 per cent, even at a time when annual GDP growth was above 8 per cent, during the latter period. The MGNREGA has not been able to ensure more than 40 to 50 days of work per household in a year, despite the statutory commitment to provide 100 days of work.
The unemployment rate for the youth in the 15 to 29 years age group remains at very high levels. For rural young males it was 10.9 per cent and for rural young females 12 percent. The figures in urban areas is equally disturbing, at 10.5 per cent for young men and as high as 18.9 per cent for young women. In both the rural and urban areas, unemployment rate among the educated (secondary and above) persons of 15 years old and above was higher than those whose education level was lower than secondary school.
Even though large numbers of unemployed do not register themselves at the Government employment exchanges, the number of job seekers registered with the 966 employment exchanges across the country stood at a staggering 3.81 crore at the end of 2009, out of which 2.9 crore were educated jobseekers and 90 lakh uneducated jobseekers. As against the registration of over 62 lakh job seekers in 2011, only 4.7 lakh placements were made through employment exchanges.
In this situation of galloping unemployment, the 20th Congress of the CPI (M) strongly protests against the virtual ban on recruitments by the Central Government and public sector units. The 20th Congress also strongly protests against the policy of abolition of vacant posts in various government departments being pursued by the government. There are above 10 lakh vacancies lying unfilled in various central government departments, with the number of unfilled vacancies in the police and defense forces alone amount to over 7 lakh. The number of vacancies in Group C and erstwhile Group D posts in the railways as on 1st April 2011 was over 2.2 lakh. Vacancies also exist for skilled professionals such as teachers, doctors, scientists, statisticians, economists etc. Half of these vacancies belong to SC, ST and OBC categories.
Since the Government which is the main employer in the organized sector refuses to take measures to expand employment opportunities, it is hardly surprising that the total organized sector employment in India was only 2.87 crore in 2010, out of a total workforce of over 46 crore (i.e. around 6%). Employment in the organized sector, public and private combined, has grown by only 2.3 per cent in 2009 and 1.9 per cent in 2010.
This reveals the real nature of India's much proclaimed growth story. An utterly lopsided pattern of growth has meant that while agriculture's share in GDP has declined to just 15 per cent today, the workforce dependent on agriculture still remains as high as 52 per cent. Growth in the services and industrial sectors is failing to generate adequate jobs to absorb surplus workforce from agriculture. Such jobless growth is also creating a growing divide between the urban and the rural areas and widening socio-economic inequalities in an unprecedented manner.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon its units to organize the unemployed people, particularly the youth, and launch agitations on the following demands:
- Lift the ban on recruitment in different Central and State Government departments and PSEs; Stop the policy of abolition of vacant posts and fill all vacancies
- Provide unemployment allowance to the registered unemployed; Modernize employment exchanges
- Expand the scope of the MGNREGA to all individuals (not only to households) and enhance the cap of 100 days
- Initiate Urban Employment Guarantee Scheme at minimum wages with a minimum of one-third jobs reserved for women
- Enhance financial support for self-employment schemes, SHGs and small enterprises
- Release employment data along with quarterly GDP estimates
20. In Defence of the Rights of the Urban Poor against Anti-People Urban Reforms
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI (M) notes that while urbanization in many states has picked up in the recent period in our country, the Central Government is imposing a regime of urban reform reflecting the policies of the World Bank. The basic thrust of these policies is to meet the requirements of the neo-rich, the corporate and foreign investors. Considering that the process of urbanization in a country like India also reflects distress migration to the cities of the rural population, these policies have a very negative impact on the vast mass of the urban poor.
Reform projects like the JNNURM; make allocation of funds conditional to the acceptance of anti-people conditions such as the lifting of the urban land ceiling and imposition of a range of user charges on essential civic services. Urban bodies are deprived of funds and the burden of these policies is borne by the common people and particularly the urban poor. Although many State Governments, who are committed to such policies themselves, raise no objections, in fact, the very project is an assault and encroachment on the rights of the States. It is only the Left Front Governments in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura which had fought against these conditions.
This Party Congress strongly protests against the imposition of high user charges and the constant hike in charges on various municipal services such as water, sanitation, betterment charges ranging from 100 to 1000 per cent. Municipal services which were directly handled by municipalities which were accountable to the people are now being privatized. Various concessions extended to the people are being withdrawn.
This Party Congress notes with deep concern that on the basic right of housing for the urban poor instead of utilizing the available land to meet the housing needs of people, the policy being adopted by the Central Government is resulting in handing over of lands to private real estate operators. Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY), a recently-introduced scheme, provides an opportunity for the private real estate operators to grab large extent of urban lands which are hitherto with the poor urban slum-dwellers. The RAY, in its preamble, envisages totally slum-free cities. It listed out various categories of land belonging to government or quasi-government institutions, where slums are not permitted. Wherever an exception is to be made, the scheme insists that it should be a PPP model housing only. Taking advantage of this scheme and its related policies, private real estate mafia is resorting to unscrupulous means to drive away the poor from their dwellings to take over the lands. At the same time the Indian Railways and other Central Government institutions which own a substantial amount of land in urban areas are evicting thousands of families who have been living on that land for decades. The police firing and repression in Jharkhand on those resisting evictions resulting in the deaths of six persons and recently the brutal evictions in Kolkata show the anti-poor nature of these reforms.
During the Left Front regime in Bengal, an alternative method of housing for the poor was developed with in situ development of slums in Kolkata and distribution of urban land pattas for the cost of just one rupee. This model should be used all over the country.
This Party Congress calls upon its units in urban areas to take up the wide range of civic issues concerning the urban poor and organize them in their residential areas. This must include the rights of the working poor such as street vendors and migrants. It gives a clarion call for a determined struggle against the harmful urban reforms.
Reform projects like the JNNURM; make allocation of funds conditional to the acceptance of anti-people conditions such as the lifting of the urban land ceiling and imposition of a range of user charges on essential civic services. Urban bodies are deprived of funds and the burden of these policies is borne by the common people and particularly the urban poor. Although many State Governments, who are committed to such policies themselves, raise no objections, in fact, the very project is an assault and encroachment on the rights of the States. It is only the Left Front Governments in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura which had fought against these conditions.
This Party Congress strongly protests against the imposition of high user charges and the constant hike in charges on various municipal services such as water, sanitation, betterment charges ranging from 100 to 1000 per cent. Municipal services which were directly handled by municipalities which were accountable to the people are now being privatized. Various concessions extended to the people are being withdrawn.
This Party Congress notes with deep concern that on the basic right of housing for the urban poor instead of utilizing the available land to meet the housing needs of people, the policy being adopted by the Central Government is resulting in handing over of lands to private real estate operators. Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY), a recently-introduced scheme, provides an opportunity for the private real estate operators to grab large extent of urban lands which are hitherto with the poor urban slum-dwellers. The RAY, in its preamble, envisages totally slum-free cities. It listed out various categories of land belonging to government or quasi-government institutions, where slums are not permitted. Wherever an exception is to be made, the scheme insists that it should be a PPP model housing only. Taking advantage of this scheme and its related policies, private real estate mafia is resorting to unscrupulous means to drive away the poor from their dwellings to take over the lands. At the same time the Indian Railways and other Central Government institutions which own a substantial amount of land in urban areas are evicting thousands of families who have been living on that land for decades. The police firing and repression in Jharkhand on those resisting evictions resulting in the deaths of six persons and recently the brutal evictions in Kolkata show the anti-poor nature of these reforms.
During the Left Front regime in Bengal, an alternative method of housing for the poor was developed with in situ development of slums in Kolkata and distribution of urban land pattas for the cost of just one rupee. This model should be used all over the country.
This Party Congress calls upon its units in urban areas to take up the wide range of civic issues concerning the urban poor and organize them in their residential areas. This must include the rights of the working poor such as street vendors and migrants. It gives a clarion call for a determined struggle against the harmful urban reforms.
21. Resolution on Violence against Women
This 20th Congress of the CPI(M) expresses deep concern over the steep escalation in crimes against women, and is alarmed by the barbarity and savagery of the atrocities being committed at a time when women are entering public life, institutions of learning, and diverse work spheres in increasing numbers. The crude commodification of women and the portrayal of women as sex objects in the mass media is highly objectionable and is not only demeaning to women but creates an environment which trivialises the crime of sexual harassment and violence against women.
In the period between 2006 and 2010, crimes against women have registered an increase of as much as 29.3%. While registered cases of domestic violence against women have increased by 5 per cent over the previous year to 94, 041 cases the number of dowry deaths is as high as 8391 in 2010. Yet there is a retrograde campaign to dilute even the inadequate clause 498 at which deals with this issue, which must be resisted. The increase in the number of cases of sexual assault and rape show that the safety and security of women is deeply compromised. There were over 94,000 rape cases registered in 2010, in other words in every hour seven women/children became victims of rape. Many cases go unreported because the victims belong to the poorer socially oppressed sections that have little access to justice. In particular sexual assaults on tribal and dalit women are greatly underreported. Shockingly, the conviction rates in crimes against women are just 26 per cent which means that three fourths of the criminals get away scot-free. The failure to punish the criminals and the long delay in the judicial process is undoubtedly one of the reasons for the increase in rapes and gang rapes being witnessed in several parts of the country.
This Party congress condemns the failure of the Central Government to make the essential changes in the legal framework even though Bills are pending for several years. India is one of the few countries which do not have a special law against child sexual abuse even though such crimes are increasing. Working women face increased cases of sexual harassment at the workplace, including horrific cases against young women in the IT sector, yet twelve years after the Supreme Court guidelines in the Vishakha case, the Government has still not enacted the required law. Even though crimes in the name of honour have increased the Government has refused to enact a comprehensive legislation because of powerful casteist lobbies.
This Party Congress protests against the anti- women and utterly insensitive statements made by some political leaders who blame the victim or who call into question the veracity of her complaint. Recent outrageous statements by the West Bengal Chief Minister calling complaints of rape a political conspiracy against her Government, even while the investigation confirmed the truth of the victims' complaints are an assault on the rights of victims for justice. In Karnataka the ruling party, the BJP has refused to take criminal action against Ministers watching pornographic films during the Assembly session. In Rajasthan, the Congress Government initially did its best to shield a senior Minister and MLAs from charges of sexual exploitation and subsequent murder of a dalit health worker who threatened to expose their misdemeanors. The law gets compromised and victim becomes doubly victimized by such insensitivity and blatant bias by some political leaders and officials.
This Congress demands sound, effective legal intervention to enforce time bound punishment of the guilty. The social, political, and economic factors leading to escalating violence against women must also be addressed in a comprehensive and gender sensitive manner.
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI (M) reiterates its commitment to fight against the increasing violence against women and for stringent punishment to the criminals in all such cases.
In the period between 2006 and 2010, crimes against women have registered an increase of as much as 29.3%. While registered cases of domestic violence against women have increased by 5 per cent over the previous year to 94, 041 cases the number of dowry deaths is as high as 8391 in 2010. Yet there is a retrograde campaign to dilute even the inadequate clause 498 at which deals with this issue, which must be resisted. The increase in the number of cases of sexual assault and rape show that the safety and security of women is deeply compromised. There were over 94,000 rape cases registered in 2010, in other words in every hour seven women/children became victims of rape. Many cases go unreported because the victims belong to the poorer socially oppressed sections that have little access to justice. In particular sexual assaults on tribal and dalit women are greatly underreported. Shockingly, the conviction rates in crimes against women are just 26 per cent which means that three fourths of the criminals get away scot-free. The failure to punish the criminals and the long delay in the judicial process is undoubtedly one of the reasons for the increase in rapes and gang rapes being witnessed in several parts of the country.
This Party congress condemns the failure of the Central Government to make the essential changes in the legal framework even though Bills are pending for several years. India is one of the few countries which do not have a special law against child sexual abuse even though such crimes are increasing. Working women face increased cases of sexual harassment at the workplace, including horrific cases against young women in the IT sector, yet twelve years after the Supreme Court guidelines in the Vishakha case, the Government has still not enacted the required law. Even though crimes in the name of honour have increased the Government has refused to enact a comprehensive legislation because of powerful casteist lobbies.
This Party Congress protests against the anti- women and utterly insensitive statements made by some political leaders who blame the victim or who call into question the veracity of her complaint. Recent outrageous statements by the West Bengal Chief Minister calling complaints of rape a political conspiracy against her Government, even while the investigation confirmed the truth of the victims' complaints are an assault on the rights of victims for justice. In Karnataka the ruling party, the BJP has refused to take criminal action against Ministers watching pornographic films during the Assembly session. In Rajasthan, the Congress Government initially did its best to shield a senior Minister and MLAs from charges of sexual exploitation and subsequent murder of a dalit health worker who threatened to expose their misdemeanors. The law gets compromised and victim becomes doubly victimized by such insensitivity and blatant bias by some political leaders and officials.
This Congress demands sound, effective legal intervention to enforce time bound punishment of the guilty. The social, political, and economic factors leading to escalating violence against women must also be addressed in a comprehensive and gender sensitive manner.
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI (M) reiterates its commitment to fight against the increasing violence against women and for stringent punishment to the criminals in all such cases.
Resolutions Passed at the 20th Party Congress of CPIM (Page 4)
13. Resolution on Increasing Contractorisation of Workers
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) expresses its deep concern and strongly protests, against the increasing contractorisation of workers in various sectors of the economy which has resulted in a manifold increase in the exploitation of workers, by keeping wage costs down and denying workers their minimum rights.
Shamefully, it is the Central and many State Governments in pursuit of neo-liberal policies which have taken the lead in imposing contractorisation of the workforce. In the name of making industries competitive and attracting investments, the Central Government has permitted the gross violation of the Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act 1970 by the private and public sector. The Act prohibits employment of contract workers in jobs of a perennial nature, but in practice this is what is happening and has become wide spread, not only in the manufacturing and service sectors but also in Government services. In the unorganized sector, the practice is rampant.
In Public Sector units, the contractor workers share in the total workforce is more than 50% and in the Private Sector it is more than 80%. As per a recent survey by a Government organization, there are more than 3.6 crores of contract workers under licensed contractors. Keeping in view the mushrooming growth of unlicensed contractors the total number of contract workers will be more than 5 crores.
Contract workers are denied even the legal minimum wages and other statutory social security benefits like ESI, PF. While contract workers are deployed along with regular workers in regular activities of the establishment, their wages are always paltry. In some cases, the contract worker gets one-tenth of the wages of a regular worker, for doing similar work.
The majority of these workers are denied the right to organize. The immediate threat of losing their jobs and income if they unionise ensures that they remain vulnerable to intense exploitation. In particular women contract workers often become victims to harassment and sexual abuse.
Trade Unions in the country have been demanding amendments to the Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act to ensure regularization of contract workers in perennial nature of jobs, and to end the collusion of employers and enforcement authorities, so as to ensure proper implementation of the law. Pending the legal changes required, trade unions have demanded that contract workers should be paid wages equal to that of a regular worker with other social security benefits so as to end the cruel exploitation prevalent now.
The 20th Congress of CPI(M) extends full support to the struggles of Contractor Workers and Trade Unions on their just demands of ending this exploitative contractor system in regular jobs. The fight against capitalism in its neo liberal phase requires an understanding of how the widespread nature of the contract worker system is functioning as an instrument to intensify the exploitation of labour and further push down the subsistence wage to maximise profits.
As a party of the working class, the CPIM calls upon it's units to launch a widespread campaign against contractualisation of the labour force as part of the party's political platform and to help to mobilize contract workers for their rights and for justice.
Shamefully, it is the Central and many State Governments in pursuit of neo-liberal policies which have taken the lead in imposing contractorisation of the workforce. In the name of making industries competitive and attracting investments, the Central Government has permitted the gross violation of the Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act 1970 by the private and public sector. The Act prohibits employment of contract workers in jobs of a perennial nature, but in practice this is what is happening and has become wide spread, not only in the manufacturing and service sectors but also in Government services. In the unorganized sector, the practice is rampant.
In Public Sector units, the contractor workers share in the total workforce is more than 50% and in the Private Sector it is more than 80%. As per a recent survey by a Government organization, there are more than 3.6 crores of contract workers under licensed contractors. Keeping in view the mushrooming growth of unlicensed contractors the total number of contract workers will be more than 5 crores.
Contract workers are denied even the legal minimum wages and other statutory social security benefits like ESI, PF. While contract workers are deployed along with regular workers in regular activities of the establishment, their wages are always paltry. In some cases, the contract worker gets one-tenth of the wages of a regular worker, for doing similar work.
The majority of these workers are denied the right to organize. The immediate threat of losing their jobs and income if they unionise ensures that they remain vulnerable to intense exploitation. In particular women contract workers often become victims to harassment and sexual abuse.
Trade Unions in the country have been demanding amendments to the Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act to ensure regularization of contract workers in perennial nature of jobs, and to end the collusion of employers and enforcement authorities, so as to ensure proper implementation of the law. Pending the legal changes required, trade unions have demanded that contract workers should be paid wages equal to that of a regular worker with other social security benefits so as to end the cruel exploitation prevalent now.
The 20th Congress of CPI(M) extends full support to the struggles of Contractor Workers and Trade Unions on their just demands of ending this exploitative contractor system in regular jobs. The fight against capitalism in its neo liberal phase requires an understanding of how the widespread nature of the contract worker system is functioning as an instrument to intensify the exploitation of labour and further push down the subsistence wage to maximise profits.
As a party of the working class, the CPIM calls upon it's units to launch a widespread campaign against contractualisation of the labour force as part of the party's political platform and to help to mobilize contract workers for their rights and for justice.
14. On the Demand for Land Reform
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI(M) expresses its strong opposition to the present policies of reverse land reform, that is, the dispossession of the peasantry from their land, and the efforts to facilitate corporate takeover of land, including fertile agricultural land. This is reflected in the Approach document of the 12th Five Year Plan which encourages reverse leasing for consolidation of the landholdings and encourages corporate farming. In many States land ceiling laws have been changed to permit this.
There is extreme concentration of ownership of agricultural holdings in India As the NSSO report on landholdings shows, just 3.5 per cent of landowners own 37.72 per cent of the land. On the other hand, there is a shocking increase in the number of landless peasant households, from 22 per cent in 1992 to 41 per cent today. Clearly, agrarian distress, mainly for the small and marginal peasants, aggravated by neo-liberal economic policies, has forced the rural poor sections to sell their assets, including land and livestock and join the army of migrants in search of livelihoods, while the richer landed classes have benefited.
Although the UPA Government, under pressure from the Left parties, had included a commitment for land reform and distribution in its programme in 2004, it has refused to act even on the recommendations of the official committee report titled "An Unfinished Agenda of Land Reforms."
It has been estimated that the potential of surplus land over the ceilings is 21 million hectares. Of this, only a fraction has been declared surplus, and even less actually distributed.
In contrast, the Left-led Governments in Tripura at present and in West Bengal and Kerala, when they were in office still hold the record for the best and most effective programmes of land reform. In West Bengal, over 11 lakh acres of land were distributed to landless families. Over 10 lakh families were given homestead land. Over 15 lakh sharecroppers were recorded and given inalienable rights. Women benefited through joint pattas and also land titles for single women.The total number of families who benefited from land reform in West Bengal alone will exceed 45 lakh two-thirs of whome were SC ST or from minority communities, which accounts for 48 percent of total land reform beneficiaries in the country. In Kerala, due to land reforms, 26 lakh tenants got land and 5.5 lakh families got 10 cents of land each and homestead rights. The last LDF Government launched a campaign to provide homestead land and houses to all homeless families in the State under the EMS Housing Scheme and set the construction of 5 lakh houses as a policy target. It undertook to distribute a minimum of one acre of land to all landless tribal families, to distribute surplus and waste land to the landless poor, and to provide land possession documents and title deeds (patta) to peasants in hilly regions. Tripura has the best record in the country in distribution of land to tribals and in making these lands economically viable. The Central Government itself has had to admit that the implementation of rights guaranteed to tribals under the Forest Rights Act has been best implemented in Tripura by the Left led Government.
On the one hand the redistributive agenda of Land Reforms is not being taken up in most States despite the concentration of land in few hands and increasing landlessness. On the other hand, large scale forcible acquisitions and the conversion of agricultural and forest land into land for SEZs, mining, for corporates and the real estate promoters is taking place. Tribal communities are particularly badly affected. Several States have amended land ceiling laws and land use rules to facilitate this. In some States even where dalits have been given pattas they have not been given possession of the land, while in other cases like in Tamilnadu, they are being evicted.
The proposed Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (LARR) Act to replace the draconian 1894 Land Acquisition Act, is totally inadequate and does not afford sufficient protection to the peasantry against forcible land acquisition and in fact gives exemptions to as many as 16 laws related to acquisition in areas like mining, SEZs, railways, national highways etc. where compensation provisions will not apply.
This Party Congress opposes the Bill in its present form and demands that it be redrafted according to the suggestions made by democratic organization of the kisans and tribals.
This Congress asserts that no redressal of the problems of the vast majority is possible without altering the correlation of forces in the rural countryside. The inequitous agrarian structure has been an obstacle to unleashing the productive forces, to enhanced productivity, to the modernization of agriculture and to rural development in general. The concentration of land in few hands and the hierarchical power relations revolving around caste, which are reinforced by inequality in land holdings, has also led to widening disparities in income and wealth.
The 20th Congress of the CPI(M) considers that resolving the land question and implementing thoroughgoing land reforms by breaking the land monopoly is central to the emancipation of the rural poor. Carrying out land reform is important to break the continuing caste, gender and other types of social oppression in rural areas.
The 20th Congress of the CPI(M) calls for mobilizing the landless and the rural poor to organize struggles for land distribution and for breaking land monopolies.
There is extreme concentration of ownership of agricultural holdings in India As the NSSO report on landholdings shows, just 3.5 per cent of landowners own 37.72 per cent of the land. On the other hand, there is a shocking increase in the number of landless peasant households, from 22 per cent in 1992 to 41 per cent today. Clearly, agrarian distress, mainly for the small and marginal peasants, aggravated by neo-liberal economic policies, has forced the rural poor sections to sell their assets, including land and livestock and join the army of migrants in search of livelihoods, while the richer landed classes have benefited.
Although the UPA Government, under pressure from the Left parties, had included a commitment for land reform and distribution in its programme in 2004, it has refused to act even on the recommendations of the official committee report titled "An Unfinished Agenda of Land Reforms."
It has been estimated that the potential of surplus land over the ceilings is 21 million hectares. Of this, only a fraction has been declared surplus, and even less actually distributed.
In contrast, the Left-led Governments in Tripura at present and in West Bengal and Kerala, when they were in office still hold the record for the best and most effective programmes of land reform. In West Bengal, over 11 lakh acres of land were distributed to landless families. Over 10 lakh families were given homestead land. Over 15 lakh sharecroppers were recorded and given inalienable rights. Women benefited through joint pattas and also land titles for single women.The total number of families who benefited from land reform in West Bengal alone will exceed 45 lakh two-thirs of whome were SC ST or from minority communities, which accounts for 48 percent of total land reform beneficiaries in the country. In Kerala, due to land reforms, 26 lakh tenants got land and 5.5 lakh families got 10 cents of land each and homestead rights. The last LDF Government launched a campaign to provide homestead land and houses to all homeless families in the State under the EMS Housing Scheme and set the construction of 5 lakh houses as a policy target. It undertook to distribute a minimum of one acre of land to all landless tribal families, to distribute surplus and waste land to the landless poor, and to provide land possession documents and title deeds (patta) to peasants in hilly regions. Tripura has the best record in the country in distribution of land to tribals and in making these lands economically viable. The Central Government itself has had to admit that the implementation of rights guaranteed to tribals under the Forest Rights Act has been best implemented in Tripura by the Left led Government.
On the one hand the redistributive agenda of Land Reforms is not being taken up in most States despite the concentration of land in few hands and increasing landlessness. On the other hand, large scale forcible acquisitions and the conversion of agricultural and forest land into land for SEZs, mining, for corporates and the real estate promoters is taking place. Tribal communities are particularly badly affected. Several States have amended land ceiling laws and land use rules to facilitate this. In some States even where dalits have been given pattas they have not been given possession of the land, while in other cases like in Tamilnadu, they are being evicted.
The proposed Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (LARR) Act to replace the draconian 1894 Land Acquisition Act, is totally inadequate and does not afford sufficient protection to the peasantry against forcible land acquisition and in fact gives exemptions to as many as 16 laws related to acquisition in areas like mining, SEZs, railways, national highways etc. where compensation provisions will not apply.
This Party Congress opposes the Bill in its present form and demands that it be redrafted according to the suggestions made by democratic organization of the kisans and tribals.
This Congress asserts that no redressal of the problems of the vast majority is possible without altering the correlation of forces in the rural countryside. The inequitous agrarian structure has been an obstacle to unleashing the productive forces, to enhanced productivity, to the modernization of agriculture and to rural development in general. The concentration of land in few hands and the hierarchical power relations revolving around caste, which are reinforced by inequality in land holdings, has also led to widening disparities in income and wealth.
The 20th Congress of the CPI(M) considers that resolving the land question and implementing thoroughgoing land reforms by breaking the land monopoly is central to the emancipation of the rural poor. Carrying out land reform is important to break the continuing caste, gender and other types of social oppression in rural areas.
The 20th Congress of the CPI(M) calls for mobilizing the landless and the rural poor to organize struggles for land distribution and for breaking land monopolies.
15. Demand for Legal Mechanism to Implement Sub-Plan and Employment Quotas
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI (M) notes with concern that the 1980 Planning Commission guidelines for allocation of budgetary resources for the development of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in proportion to their population has remained only on paper. Whereas the allocations for STs should be at least 8.2 per cent of the budgetary allocation for the central plan and the allocations for SCs should be at least 16.2 per cent, in this budget as previous ones also, the allocations are roughly half of what it should be. The shortfall for the three years since 2010 for the TSP is over 30,000 crores rupees, while for the SCSP it is at least 72751 crores rupees.
The special component sub-plan for SCs and STs is to make up the huge gaps that exist between dalits and tribals on the one hand and the general population on the other. Residential areas and villages of tribals and dalits reflect a most shocking deprivation of minimum civic rights and facilities with no infrastructure or social development. Thus the wanton violation of these guidelines has a direct impact of intensifying the grave injustices perpetrated on dalit and tribal communities. It is shameful that lakhs of crores of rupees have been either cut or diverted in the last decade from the funds accruing for ST and SC development. It is a similar situation with shortfalls in most State budget.
The 20th Party Congress also notes with concern that the constitutional mandate for reservation of jobs in the Government sector is not being implemented with a huge backlog in ST and SC quotas. With the drastic cutback in employment in Government and public sector recruitment, the opportunities for employment in the organised sector for SCs and STs are shrinking. At the same time, in spite of assurances the Government has failed to ensure employment of SCs and STs in the private sector. At present they are employed only in menial jobs and as contract or casual workers.
Thus while the private sector takes full advantage of Government largesse, it refuses to shoulder any social responsibilities. 80 per cent of investments in private sector industries are from public sector banks, they are provided land, electricity, water, transport, infrastructure, tax concessions etc by the governments. As per Union Budget 2012-13, the central government has bestowed Rs 5, 28,000 crores on corporates in the form of taxes foregone. Despite drawing so much of public money and profiteering from it, these private corporate want to escape from the constitutional mandate of reserved quotas for SCs and STs.
In view of these realities,
The 20th Party Congress demands:
The special component sub-plan for SCs and STs is to make up the huge gaps that exist between dalits and tribals on the one hand and the general population on the other. Residential areas and villages of tribals and dalits reflect a most shocking deprivation of minimum civic rights and facilities with no infrastructure or social development. Thus the wanton violation of these guidelines has a direct impact of intensifying the grave injustices perpetrated on dalit and tribal communities. It is shameful that lakhs of crores of rupees have been either cut or diverted in the last decade from the funds accruing for ST and SC development. It is a similar situation with shortfalls in most State budget.
The 20th Party Congress also notes with concern that the constitutional mandate for reservation of jobs in the Government sector is not being implemented with a huge backlog in ST and SC quotas. With the drastic cutback in employment in Government and public sector recruitment, the opportunities for employment in the organised sector for SCs and STs are shrinking. At the same time, in spite of assurances the Government has failed to ensure employment of SCs and STs in the private sector. At present they are employed only in menial jobs and as contract or casual workers.
Thus while the private sector takes full advantage of Government largesse, it refuses to shoulder any social responsibilities. 80 per cent of investments in private sector industries are from public sector banks, they are provided land, electricity, water, transport, infrastructure, tax concessions etc by the governments. As per Union Budget 2012-13, the central government has bestowed Rs 5, 28,000 crores on corporates in the form of taxes foregone. Despite drawing so much of public money and profiteering from it, these private corporate want to escape from the constitutional mandate of reserved quotas for SCs and STs.
In view of these realities,
The 20th Party Congress demands:
- A legal mechanism to ensure mandatory implementation of the Planning Commission guidelines for implementation of sub-plan and special component plan for STs and SCs respectively.
- A legal mechanism to ensure that backlog in jobs in Government and public sector are filled within a timeframe to be specified
- A new legislation to ensure reservations in the private sector.
It calls on the Party at all levels to build united struggles for these just demands of the STs and SCs.
16. On Central Government's Mineral Policies and for Tribal Rights
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses it strong opposition to the mineral mining policies being followed by the Central Government which have led to the loot and plunder of the country's natural resources. Instead of holding the mineral wealth in Public Trust for the long term benefit of the country and her people, the Government has misused its absolute and arbitrary powers to provide huge profits and windfall gains to private mining companies, global and national, while exploiting and dispossessing the masses dependent on these lands. While the Central and State Governments legally maintain ownership of the mineral resources they have in fact virtually handed over all prospecting as well as extraction rights to private companies.
The Central Government while granting mining leases has fixed extremely low royalty rates. The mining companies have made huge profits. For example the Central Government has recently fixed the royalty for iron ore at just 10 per cent of the value of the mined iron ore, whereas even in a country like Australia, the royalty is a minimum of 30 per cent. Royalty in India is equally low for other major minerals.
Much of the mineral wealth is under land occupied either collectively or individually by tribal communities or under common property resources like forests and in Fifth Schedule areas. International conventions adopted by the United Nations as well as the International Labour Organization have recognized the rights of tribal communities on land and surface and sub-surface resources. Many countries including Canada, Brazil, South Africa and Australia have been forced to at least acknowledge in different ways the rights of indigenous communities on mineral wealth in their respective countries.
But in India, where an overwhelming majority of mines are located in adivasi areas, the tribal's have not only been denied these rights but have been driven out of their lands through forcible acquisition or denied access. The spirit of the Samatha judgment of the Supreme Court to recognize tribal ownership rights has been ignored. The legal requirement under PESAA (Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas Act 1996) and the Forest Rights Act for consent of the gram sabha is blatantly violated. On the contrary even where the gram sabha has opposed a particular project, the land is forcibly acquired as for example in the bauxite rich tribal areas in Vishakhapatnam district in Andhra Pradesh and Kalahandi in Orissa.
In the face of growing resistance by tribal communities, the Central Government is proposing an amendment to the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation Act) 2011, to make it mandatory for companies to give funds for tribal development in districts where they have mining leases. The funds are to be put in a District Mineral Foundation Fund which will be under the administration. Coal companies are to give 26 per cent of their profits to the Fund. Companies mining other major minerals are to pay only the equivalent of annual royalty, which is a pittance. The earlier proposal to ensure profit sharing for all mining was shelved under pressure from the mining magnates. Now, in the name of "sharing" the benefits, the amendment could become the gateway for further liberalization to for companies to enter tribal areas and loot the wealth.
The 20th Party Congress holds that this proposal is nothing but tokenism which does not address the basic issue of the rights of tribal's to be recognized as stakeholders in the mineral wealth. The control of the use of the fund in the hands of the bureaucracy also makes a mockery of the process of consultation and consent.
The 20th Party Congress demands a complete reversal of the present policies of the Government on mineral mining.
It demands that the Government must not hand over mineral wealth of the country to private companies through leases or user rights or any other mechanism. Prospecting and mining should be undertaken only by the Government through the public sector or fully state owned enterprises after securing prior informed consent from the Gram Sabhas of communities who use these lands. The Government must also legally recognize the ownership as well as usufructuary rights of tribal's through an appropriate mechanism. It demands suitable amendments in the pending Bill to include these rights.
It calls upon party units, particularly in affected States where tribals are being displaced from land in the name of mining, to launch resistance struggles for these demands and for tribal rights.
The Central Government while granting mining leases has fixed extremely low royalty rates. The mining companies have made huge profits. For example the Central Government has recently fixed the royalty for iron ore at just 10 per cent of the value of the mined iron ore, whereas even in a country like Australia, the royalty is a minimum of 30 per cent. Royalty in India is equally low for other major minerals.
Much of the mineral wealth is under land occupied either collectively or individually by tribal communities or under common property resources like forests and in Fifth Schedule areas. International conventions adopted by the United Nations as well as the International Labour Organization have recognized the rights of tribal communities on land and surface and sub-surface resources. Many countries including Canada, Brazil, South Africa and Australia have been forced to at least acknowledge in different ways the rights of indigenous communities on mineral wealth in their respective countries.
But in India, where an overwhelming majority of mines are located in adivasi areas, the tribal's have not only been denied these rights but have been driven out of their lands through forcible acquisition or denied access. The spirit of the Samatha judgment of the Supreme Court to recognize tribal ownership rights has been ignored. The legal requirement under PESAA (Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas Act 1996) and the Forest Rights Act for consent of the gram sabha is blatantly violated. On the contrary even where the gram sabha has opposed a particular project, the land is forcibly acquired as for example in the bauxite rich tribal areas in Vishakhapatnam district in Andhra Pradesh and Kalahandi in Orissa.
In the face of growing resistance by tribal communities, the Central Government is proposing an amendment to the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation Act) 2011, to make it mandatory for companies to give funds for tribal development in districts where they have mining leases. The funds are to be put in a District Mineral Foundation Fund which will be under the administration. Coal companies are to give 26 per cent of their profits to the Fund. Companies mining other major minerals are to pay only the equivalent of annual royalty, which is a pittance. The earlier proposal to ensure profit sharing for all mining was shelved under pressure from the mining magnates. Now, in the name of "sharing" the benefits, the amendment could become the gateway for further liberalization to for companies to enter tribal areas and loot the wealth.
The 20th Party Congress holds that this proposal is nothing but tokenism which does not address the basic issue of the rights of tribal's to be recognized as stakeholders in the mineral wealth. The control of the use of the fund in the hands of the bureaucracy also makes a mockery of the process of consultation and consent.
The 20th Party Congress demands a complete reversal of the present policies of the Government on mineral mining.
It demands that the Government must not hand over mineral wealth of the country to private companies through leases or user rights or any other mechanism. Prospecting and mining should be undertaken only by the Government through the public sector or fully state owned enterprises after securing prior informed consent from the Gram Sabhas of communities who use these lands. The Government must also legally recognize the ownership as well as usufructuary rights of tribal's through an appropriate mechanism. It demands suitable amendments in the pending Bill to include these rights.
It calls upon party units, particularly in affected States where tribals are being displaced from land in the name of mining, to launch resistance struggles for these demands and for tribal rights.
17. On Sri Lankan Tamil Issue
he 20th Congress of the CPI(M) expresses deep concern at the plight of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka. The Tamil people living in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka suffered heavy losses and casualties during the last phase of the armed conflict with LTTE. Thousands of civilians, men, women and children died during the hostilities. Lakhs of people were displaced from their homes.
Even three years after the armed conflict has come to an end, the Sri Lankan government has not undertaken fully the resettlement and rehabilitation of the people in their areas and providing them with the means of livelihood.
Despite the evidence of atrocities against the people and serious human rights violations, the Sri Lankan government has not taken any serious measures to investigate such crimes and to fix responsibility. Even the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission set up by the government have not been implemented.
The Tamil people can live with dignity and equal rights within a united Sri Lanka only when there is a political settlement based on the provision of autonomy and devolution of powers for the Tamil-speaking areas. Here again, despite assurances given by the Rajapakse government, so far, no meaningful steps have been taken. Instead of arriving at a settlement through direct talks, the matter has been referred to a Parliamentary Select Committee.
The CPI (M) stands for a united Sri Lanka in which the Tamil minorities can live in peace and harmony with the majority Sinhala community. The Party appeals to all democratic forces in Sri Lanka to ensure a political solution to the Tamil question.
The Congress urges the Indian government to make all necessary political and diplomatic efforts to see that:
Even three years after the armed conflict has come to an end, the Sri Lankan government has not undertaken fully the resettlement and rehabilitation of the people in their areas and providing them with the means of livelihood.
Despite the evidence of atrocities against the people and serious human rights violations, the Sri Lankan government has not taken any serious measures to investigate such crimes and to fix responsibility. Even the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission set up by the government have not been implemented.
The Tamil people can live with dignity and equal rights within a united Sri Lanka only when there is a political settlement based on the provision of autonomy and devolution of powers for the Tamil-speaking areas. Here again, despite assurances given by the Rajapakse government, so far, no meaningful steps have been taken. Instead of arriving at a settlement through direct talks, the matter has been referred to a Parliamentary Select Committee.
The CPI (M) stands for a united Sri Lanka in which the Tamil minorities can live in peace and harmony with the majority Sinhala community. The Party appeals to all democratic forces in Sri Lanka to ensure a political solution to the Tamil question.
The Congress urges the Indian government to make all necessary political and diplomatic efforts to see that:
- The full rehabilitation and resettlement of the Tamil people is expeditiously undertaken
- The Sri Lankan government conducts an independent and credible enquiry into the human rights violations and to establish accountability
- A political settlement is reached based on devolution of powers to the Northern and Eastern Provinces
Resolutions Passed at the 20th Party Congress of CPIM
9. P. Sundarayya Zindabad Observe P. Sundarayya Birth Centenary
May 1, 2012 marks the birth centenary of the revolutionary Communist leader, Comrade Putchalapalli Sundarayya. P. Sundarayya is one of the major figures of the Indian Communist movement who was drawn into the social reform movement and the freedom struggle at a young age.
Attracted to the Communist Party through Comrade Amir Hyder Khan, Sundarayya played a key role in building the Communist movement in south India during the 1930s.
Comrade Sundarayya established the first union of agricultural workers. He was the Secretary of the Andhra Communist Party Committee which was formed in 1934. He played an important role in leading the Telangana armed struggle. That struggle paved the way for the liberation of people from the feudal yoke of the Nizam rule.
P. Sundarayya became a member of the first Central Committee of the Communist Party. From then onwards, he played a pioneering role in building the Communist Party.
Comrade Sundarayya made a big contribution to the approach of the Communist Party on the agrarian revolution. He made a detailed study of the agrarian sector and helped to formulate tactics to build the peasant movement.
As a committed Marxist-Leninist, he applied the theory to Indian conditions to build the revolutionary movement. When revisionist and ultra Left trends came to the fore, he fought them and safeguarded the correct Marxist-Leninist line.
Sundarayya became the General Secretary of the CPI (M) from its inception in 1964 and played a major role in establishing the Party as a leading force in the Left movement in the country.
As a Member of Parliament and state legislature, Sundarayya set an example of how to take up people's issues.
Comrade Sundarayya reared successive generations of cadres and inspired them by his life and example. He donated his whole property to the Party and lived a simple and exemplary life.
The life and work of Comrade Sundarayya is that of a builder of a Communist movement, a relentless fighter for the emancipation of the exploited classes and the embodiment of a revolutionary with Marxist-Leninist commitment. The birth centenary of such a great revolutionary should be commemorated by the Party and all Left and progressive circles.
The 20th Congress calls for a year-long observance of the birth centenary of Comrade P Sundarayya from May 1, 2012. It authorizes the new Central Committee to chalk out the programmes regarding the observance.
Attracted to the Communist Party through Comrade Amir Hyder Khan, Sundarayya played a key role in building the Communist movement in south India during the 1930s.
Comrade Sundarayya established the first union of agricultural workers. He was the Secretary of the Andhra Communist Party Committee which was formed in 1934. He played an important role in leading the Telangana armed struggle. That struggle paved the way for the liberation of people from the feudal yoke of the Nizam rule.
P. Sundarayya became a member of the first Central Committee of the Communist Party. From then onwards, he played a pioneering role in building the Communist Party.
Comrade Sundarayya made a big contribution to the approach of the Communist Party on the agrarian revolution. He made a detailed study of the agrarian sector and helped to formulate tactics to build the peasant movement.
As a committed Marxist-Leninist, he applied the theory to Indian conditions to build the revolutionary movement. When revisionist and ultra Left trends came to the fore, he fought them and safeguarded the correct Marxist-Leninist line.
Sundarayya became the General Secretary of the CPI (M) from its inception in 1964 and played a major role in establishing the Party as a leading force in the Left movement in the country.
As a Member of Parliament and state legislature, Sundarayya set an example of how to take up people's issues.
Comrade Sundarayya reared successive generations of cadres and inspired them by his life and example. He donated his whole property to the Party and lived a simple and exemplary life.
The life and work of Comrade Sundarayya is that of a builder of a Communist movement, a relentless fighter for the emancipation of the exploited classes and the embodiment of a revolutionary with Marxist-Leninist commitment. The birth centenary of such a great revolutionary should be commemorated by the Party and all Left and progressive circles.
The 20th Congress calls for a year-long observance of the birth centenary of Comrade P Sundarayya from May 1, 2012. It authorizes the new Central Committee to chalk out the programmes regarding the observance.
10. Resolution on Palestine
This 20th Congress of the CPI (M) condemns Israel's continuing occupation of Palestinian territories in complete violation of international law and many United Nations resolutions. The brutal siege of Gaza, arbitrary arrests and the detention of thousands of Palestinians in West Bank and Israel without trials, targeted assassinations etc. show Israel's total contempt for international law. The Zionist government has been fully backed and supported by the US government in all its illegal actions. Indeed, the utter duplicity of the US was seen in its opposition to the recognition of Palestine as a full-fledged member of the United Nations although such a demand has widespread support.
The West Bank has been broken up into small cantons, separated from each other by settler-only roads and numerous checkpoints. The Occupation is tightening its grip on Jerusalem, demolishing Palestinian houses, enlarging Israeli settlements thereby seeking to change the demography of Jerusalem. The "peace process" is now virtually dead, with Israel continuing to expand its settlements in Palestinian territories.
The Indian people have always supported the Palestinian cause and opposed the illegal occupation of Palestine. India was among the first non-Arab nations to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people in 1974, and was the first non-Arab country to recognize Palestine as an independent state in 1988. India has always opposed the continued illegal occupation of West Bank and Gaza.
While this remains the official position of the Government of India, first under the BJP-led NDA Government and subsequently the two UPA Governments, India has also built close security and military ties with Israel. India is now the largest buyer of arms from Israel and buys more than even the Israeli armed forces. India's launching Israeli spy satellites and joint research with Israel on missiles and drones must be seen against the background of the targeted assassinations that Israel routinely carries out using such drones and spy satellites. All this makes India complicit in Israel's occupation of Palestine, in contradiction to its avowed policy of support to the Palestinian cause. It also damages India's relations with other countries in the region.
The 20th Congress demands the following:
The West Bank has been broken up into small cantons, separated from each other by settler-only roads and numerous checkpoints. The Occupation is tightening its grip on Jerusalem, demolishing Palestinian houses, enlarging Israeli settlements thereby seeking to change the demography of Jerusalem. The "peace process" is now virtually dead, with Israel continuing to expand its settlements in Palestinian territories.
The Indian people have always supported the Palestinian cause and opposed the illegal occupation of Palestine. India was among the first non-Arab nations to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people in 1974, and was the first non-Arab country to recognize Palestine as an independent state in 1988. India has always opposed the continued illegal occupation of West Bank and Gaza.
While this remains the official position of the Government of India, first under the BJP-led NDA Government and subsequently the two UPA Governments, India has also built close security and military ties with Israel. India is now the largest buyer of arms from Israel and buys more than even the Israeli armed forces. India's launching Israeli spy satellites and joint research with Israel on missiles and drones must be seen against the background of the targeted assassinations that Israel routinely carries out using such drones and spy satellites. All this makes India complicit in Israel's occupation of Palestine, in contradiction to its avowed policy of support to the Palestinian cause. It also damages India's relations with other countries in the region.
The 20th Congress demands the following:
- The end to the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine and all other occupied territories
- The immediate lifting of the inhuman siege of Gaza
- The Right of Return for all Palestinians
- The dismantling of the Apartheid Wall and all illegal settlements on the West Bank.
- Israel to stop its brutal denial of basic democratic rights to its Arab population.
- The release of all Palestinian political prisoners
The 20th Congress calls upon the Indian Government to return to its position of genuine support to the Palestinian cause, and break its military and security ties with Israel. The 20th Congress gives a clarion call for building a strong anti-imperialist movement in support of the Palestinian people.
11. Planning Commission's Poverty Estimates – Fraud on the Poor
The 20th Congress of CPI (M) considers the recent manipulations of the Planning Commission of the poverty estimates are deliberate efforts to underestimate the level of poverty in the country. It has chosen Rs. 22.40 per day for an adult in rural areas and Rs. 28.65 per day for an adult in urban areas, in 2009-10 as the poverty line. Anyone spending more than that is being categorized as non-poor. These are extraordinarily low amounts and no Indian can fulfill even a part of his/her basic daily requirements with these amounts. Rather than poverty lines, they should be called destitute lines. To use such absurd cut-offs to estimate the poor in India is nothing but a cruel joke on their conditions of life and work.
In order to arrive at these absurdly low figures, the Planning Commission has reduced the per capita calorie norms required for an average Indian from 2400 calories per person per day in rural areas and 2100 per person per day in urban areas to 1770 calories per person per day. This it was lower than the minimum set by the 15th Labour Conference (1957) of 2700 calorie. Now Planning Commission cites that FAO had recommended 1770 calories as the amount of energy required for light or sedentary activity. Such a definition cannot be taken as the calorie requirement of the poor in India, who are primarily engaged in heavy manual work.
On the basis of the new calculations the Planning Commission has claimed that the proportion of BPL persons has gone down by 7 per cent between 2004-05 and 2009-10. Given the enormity and acuteness of mass poverty in India, even a slight change in the poverty line can result in significantly different conclusions regarding the number of poor. There is little to differentiate between people just above the poverty line and those below the poverty line.
The Planning Commission has under taken this fraudulent exercise to reduce the number of poor eligible in various poverty alleviation programmes. This is part of the neo liberal fiscal strategy to squeeze public expenditure and contain budget deficits. It also is an ingenious effort to camouflage the growing process of immiserisation in India and create an impression that liberalisation has succeeded in reducing poverty.
The identification of BPL households, whose maximum numbers are already determined, has been carried out through BPL surveys, which are notorious for manipulation by the vested interests. As a result, crores of people deprived of the minimum basic needs in their daily life have been wrongly classified as APL across India. A large section of the poor in India are denied access to subsidised food purchase under the PDS, health insurance schemes, accident insurance schemes, housing schemes, pension schemes and self-employment programmes. Their ability to lead a dignified life is permanently disabled by this erroneous policy.
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands that the government reject the poverty estimates of the Planning Commission. The 20th Congress demands delinking of Planning Commission's poverty estimates to allocations and benefits of government social sector schemes. The 20th Congress reiterates the demand for universal PDS, health, education and social security pensions.
In order to arrive at these absurdly low figures, the Planning Commission has reduced the per capita calorie norms required for an average Indian from 2400 calories per person per day in rural areas and 2100 per person per day in urban areas to 1770 calories per person per day. This it was lower than the minimum set by the 15th Labour Conference (1957) of 2700 calorie. Now Planning Commission cites that FAO had recommended 1770 calories as the amount of energy required for light or sedentary activity. Such a definition cannot be taken as the calorie requirement of the poor in India, who are primarily engaged in heavy manual work.
On the basis of the new calculations the Planning Commission has claimed that the proportion of BPL persons has gone down by 7 per cent between 2004-05 and 2009-10. Given the enormity and acuteness of mass poverty in India, even a slight change in the poverty line can result in significantly different conclusions regarding the number of poor. There is little to differentiate between people just above the poverty line and those below the poverty line.
The Planning Commission has under taken this fraudulent exercise to reduce the number of poor eligible in various poverty alleviation programmes. This is part of the neo liberal fiscal strategy to squeeze public expenditure and contain budget deficits. It also is an ingenious effort to camouflage the growing process of immiserisation in India and create an impression that liberalisation has succeeded in reducing poverty.
The identification of BPL households, whose maximum numbers are already determined, has been carried out through BPL surveys, which are notorious for manipulation by the vested interests. As a result, crores of people deprived of the minimum basic needs in their daily life have been wrongly classified as APL across India. A large section of the poor in India are denied access to subsidised food purchase under the PDS, health insurance schemes, accident insurance schemes, housing schemes, pension schemes and self-employment programmes. Their ability to lead a dignified life is permanently disabled by this erroneous policy.
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands that the government reject the poverty estimates of the Planning Commission. The 20th Congress demands delinking of Planning Commission's poverty estimates to allocations and benefits of government social sector schemes. The 20th Congress reiterates the demand for universal PDS, health, education and social security pensions.
12. For Implementation of the Ranganath Mishra Commission Report
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) protests against the deliberate delay on the part of the Central Government to initiate steps for the implementation of the Ranganath Mishra Commission report. While there are several positive recommendations for the advance of the status of minorities, this Party Congress draws attention specifically to two of the recommendations.
The first is for reservation of jobs for Muslims on grounds of the social and economic backwardness of the vast majority of the community. It has recommended 10% of reservation in jobs and education for backward sections of the Muslim minority and 5% for other minorities. This will require a law to end the present limitation of 50 per cent on the total reservations arbitrarily imposed by the Supreme Court.
The recommendation for reservations comes in the background of the Sachar Committee report which painted a graphic picture of the discriminations that Muslims face particularly in the field of employment. Although there were several weaknesses in the report regarding Statewise details, as for example it's non- recognition of land distribution to Muslims in West Bengal as part of the land reform measures etc. or employment of Muslims as teachers in Madrassas and other educational institutions at Government salaries, it does not detract from its overall assessment that the Muslim minorities in general have faced injustice in employment in Government and public sector and the police forces, even more than SCs and STs who have constitutional protection. There is thus an urgency to take specific measures to redress this injustice to Muslim communities. This is a democratic and secular demand.
This Congress notes that instead of discussing the report in Parliament and building a democratic consensus, the Congress party tried to utilize the issue of reservations for minorities as a poll gimmick in the recently held UP elections. By doing so it gave a handle to the communal forces on the one hand and caused confusion among other social sections on the other. In spite of consistent demands from the Left parties and others it has continuously refused to clarify the Central Government's position on the recommendations. This shows its non-seriousness on the issue.
This Party Congress notes that it is only the then Left front Government in West Bengal which implemented the recommendations by reserving 10 per cent of the jobs for the socially and economically backward sections of the Muslim minority.
The second significant recommendation of the Commission is to include Muslim and Christian dalits in the Scheduled Caste lists. The 1950 Presidential Order and the further amendments to it were discriminatory against Scheduled Castes who had converted to either Islam or Christianity while recognizing the rights of those who had converted to Buddhism or Sikhism. The Ranganath Mishra Commission has sought to make it religion neutral and recommended the amendment to the Order to end this injustice.
The 20th Party Congress condemns the communal campaign of the RSS-BJP combine against this legitimate right of the minorities for reservation in jobs and education and against the legitimate claims of dalit Muslims and Christians.
It demands that the Central Government, without any further delay, accept the recommendation for 10 per cent reservation for Muslims and additional reservation for other minorities in employment and education. The necessary mechanisms including legislation and/ or constitutional amendment to make this possible must be worked out and brought in the next session of Parliament.
It also demands inclusion of Dalit Christians and Muslims in the SC list. The percentage of reservation for SCs must be suitably increased to include these sections.
The 20th Party Congress calls on all Party units to actively champion the cause of the minorities against discrimination and for equal citizen rights for employment and education as recommended by the Ranganath Mishra Commission.
The first is for reservation of jobs for Muslims on grounds of the social and economic backwardness of the vast majority of the community. It has recommended 10% of reservation in jobs and education for backward sections of the Muslim minority and 5% for other minorities. This will require a law to end the present limitation of 50 per cent on the total reservations arbitrarily imposed by the Supreme Court.
The recommendation for reservations comes in the background of the Sachar Committee report which painted a graphic picture of the discriminations that Muslims face particularly in the field of employment. Although there were several weaknesses in the report regarding Statewise details, as for example it's non- recognition of land distribution to Muslims in West Bengal as part of the land reform measures etc. or employment of Muslims as teachers in Madrassas and other educational institutions at Government salaries, it does not detract from its overall assessment that the Muslim minorities in general have faced injustice in employment in Government and public sector and the police forces, even more than SCs and STs who have constitutional protection. There is thus an urgency to take specific measures to redress this injustice to Muslim communities. This is a democratic and secular demand.
This Congress notes that instead of discussing the report in Parliament and building a democratic consensus, the Congress party tried to utilize the issue of reservations for minorities as a poll gimmick in the recently held UP elections. By doing so it gave a handle to the communal forces on the one hand and caused confusion among other social sections on the other. In spite of consistent demands from the Left parties and others it has continuously refused to clarify the Central Government's position on the recommendations. This shows its non-seriousness on the issue.
This Party Congress notes that it is only the then Left front Government in West Bengal which implemented the recommendations by reserving 10 per cent of the jobs for the socially and economically backward sections of the Muslim minority.
The second significant recommendation of the Commission is to include Muslim and Christian dalits in the Scheduled Caste lists. The 1950 Presidential Order and the further amendments to it were discriminatory against Scheduled Castes who had converted to either Islam or Christianity while recognizing the rights of those who had converted to Buddhism or Sikhism. The Ranganath Mishra Commission has sought to make it religion neutral and recommended the amendment to the Order to end this injustice.
The 20th Party Congress condemns the communal campaign of the RSS-BJP combine against this legitimate right of the minorities for reservation in jobs and education and against the legitimate claims of dalit Muslims and Christians.
It demands that the Central Government, without any further delay, accept the recommendation for 10 per cent reservation for Muslims and additional reservation for other minorities in employment and education. The necessary mechanisms including legislation and/ or constitutional amendment to make this possible must be worked out and brought in the next session of Parliament.
It also demands inclusion of Dalit Christians and Muslims in the SC list. The percentage of reservation for SCs must be suitably increased to include these sections.
The 20th Party Congress calls on all Party units to actively champion the cause of the minorities against discrimination and for equal citizen rights for employment and education as recommended by the Ranganath Mishra Commission.
Resolutions Passed at the 20th Party Congress of CPIM
4. Against Blockade of Socialist Cuba
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) condemns the illegal and inhuman blockade imposed by the United States on Socialist Cuba and demands that it be lifted without any delay.
The embargo on Cuba which was initially partially imposed soon after the Cuban revolution, in October 1960 has been tightened over the years. In 1996, the draconian Helms-Burton Act was passed which was further expanded in 1999. The imperialist aim has been to strangulate Socialist Cuba and to prevent its trade and commercial relations with the rest of the world. The damage caused by the blockade on Cuba for the island country is estimated at $975 billion.
This blatant interference in the sovereign rights of nations to choose their own path of development and in particular the Socialist path of advance chosen by the Cuban people has been condemned the world over. For the last twenty years, the UN General Assembly repeatedly and consecutively has passed resolutions demanding the lifting of the blockade. On October 25, 2011, when the resolution was put to vote, 186 member countries of UN voted in favour demanding the lifting of blockade on Cuba and only USA and its inseparable ally in genocidal actions – Israel – opposed it. Three Pacific island countries abstained. It is significant that after his recent visit to Cuba, Pope Benedict XVI also joined his voice against the blockade.
This Party Congress also demands that the five innocent Cubans who have been incarcerated in US jails for many years now without any proven crime committed by them should be released forthwith. The US insists on keeping them in jail as a means to punish and humiliate Cuban citizens, who have refused to give up unflinching commitment to socialism and unwavering opposition to imperialism.
The 20th Congress extends its solidarity with the courageous people of Socialist Cuba. It demands the lifting of US blockade on Cuba and release of the Cuban Five. The Congress calls upon the Party units to expose the brutal character of US imperialism and rouse public opinion against it.
The embargo on Cuba which was initially partially imposed soon after the Cuban revolution, in October 1960 has been tightened over the years. In 1996, the draconian Helms-Burton Act was passed which was further expanded in 1999. The imperialist aim has been to strangulate Socialist Cuba and to prevent its trade and commercial relations with the rest of the world. The damage caused by the blockade on Cuba for the island country is estimated at $975 billion.
This blatant interference in the sovereign rights of nations to choose their own path of development and in particular the Socialist path of advance chosen by the Cuban people has been condemned the world over. For the last twenty years, the UN General Assembly repeatedly and consecutively has passed resolutions demanding the lifting of the blockade. On October 25, 2011, when the resolution was put to vote, 186 member countries of UN voted in favour demanding the lifting of blockade on Cuba and only USA and its inseparable ally in genocidal actions – Israel – opposed it. Three Pacific island countries abstained. It is significant that after his recent visit to Cuba, Pope Benedict XVI also joined his voice against the blockade.
This Party Congress also demands that the five innocent Cubans who have been incarcerated in US jails for many years now without any proven crime committed by them should be released forthwith. The US insists on keeping them in jail as a means to punish and humiliate Cuban citizens, who have refused to give up unflinching commitment to socialism and unwavering opposition to imperialism.
The 20th Congress extends its solidarity with the courageous people of Socialist Cuba. It demands the lifting of US blockade on Cuba and release of the Cuban Five. The Congress calls upon the Party units to expose the brutal character of US imperialism and rouse public opinion against it.
5. Demand to Make Rights of Disabled Justiciable
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses its deep concern and anguish at the continued violation of the rights of persons with disabilities.
The recent incidents where disabled passengers were deboarded or humiliated are a case in point. Everyday thousands of disabled citizens face varying degrees of difficulties, harassment, and humiliation when in public spaces because of the lack of facilities, insensitivity and stigma. Even though disabled women are particularly vulnerable to sexual harassment, police stations in the country have neither the facilities nor the staff to deal with the complaints.
The 20th Congress holds that despite in name being equal before the law, persons with disabilities continue to be discriminated and deprived of basic rights like health, education, livelihood, social security, access and political and civil rights.
The Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Rights and Full Participation) Act, 1995 has proved to be ineffective and toothless because there is no monitoring mechanism or provision to punish those who violate the law. Consequently, the rights of persons with disabilities are violated with impunity and violators more often than not go scot free. The guidelines issued by various agencies/authorities also continue to be disregarded.
Provisions need to be made to make violation of rights of the disabled an offence and penal provisions be provided for.
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands effective legal intervention and penal provisions to make offences against the rights of the disabled justiciable.
The recent incidents where disabled passengers were deboarded or humiliated are a case in point. Everyday thousands of disabled citizens face varying degrees of difficulties, harassment, and humiliation when in public spaces because of the lack of facilities, insensitivity and stigma. Even though disabled women are particularly vulnerable to sexual harassment, police stations in the country have neither the facilities nor the staff to deal with the complaints.
The 20th Congress holds that despite in name being equal before the law, persons with disabilities continue to be discriminated and deprived of basic rights like health, education, livelihood, social security, access and political and civil rights.
The Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Rights and Full Participation) Act, 1995 has proved to be ineffective and toothless because there is no monitoring mechanism or provision to punish those who violate the law. Consequently, the rights of persons with disabilities are violated with impunity and violators more often than not go scot free. The guidelines issued by various agencies/authorities also continue to be disregarded.
Provisions need to be made to make violation of rights of the disabled an offence and penal provisions be provided for.
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands effective legal intervention and penal provisions to make offences against the rights of the disabled justiciable.
6. On the Issue of D-Voters in Assam
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) notes with deep concern the continuing problem of D-voters in Assam which particularly affects people belonging to the religious and linguistic minorities. The names of some voters have been marked with word `D' (Doubtful) in electoral rolls and on the eve of every Assembly and Lok Sabha elections, some additional names are added to the list of D-voters. The D-voters are suspected to be foreigners entering and living illegally in the state of Assam.
The CPI (M), while demanding sealing of borders with Bangladesh, has constantly demanded the solution of the problem of suspected foreigners living illegally in Assam through the judicial process. But most of the Foreigners Tribunals set-up for identifying the illegal foreigners is non-functioning. On many occasions, exparte judgments have been pronounced against many genuine Indian citizens classifying them as foreigners, due to the flawed nature of the exercise. Recently two married women belonging to Koch-Rajbanshi community have been sent to detention camp.
Following the judgment of a single bench of Guwahati High Court on April 21, 2011 which directed all D-voters to be transferred to the Foreigners Tribunals and that these persons must be kept in the detention camps till their cases are disposed of, the situation worsened. This is against the principles of natural justice and violative of human rights. Even though there is a stay order, the state administration has been serving fresh notices to a large number of people belonging to the religious and linguistic minorities resulting in harassment of Bengali and Nepali speaking people. The 20th Congress demands that there should be no such detentions in the name of voters.
The 20th Congress reiterates the demand for the increase in the number of Tribunals with adequate number of judges and infrastructure for early solution of the problem of D-voters. This Party Congress also demands early completion of updating of 1951 National Register of Citizen taking 1971 voters list as the basis and urges the Central and State Government to accept these demands and initiate appropriate action.
The CPI (M), while demanding sealing of borders with Bangladesh, has constantly demanded the solution of the problem of suspected foreigners living illegally in Assam through the judicial process. But most of the Foreigners Tribunals set-up for identifying the illegal foreigners is non-functioning. On many occasions, exparte judgments have been pronounced against many genuine Indian citizens classifying them as foreigners, due to the flawed nature of the exercise. Recently two married women belonging to Koch-Rajbanshi community have been sent to detention camp.
Following the judgment of a single bench of Guwahati High Court on April 21, 2011 which directed all D-voters to be transferred to the Foreigners Tribunals and that these persons must be kept in the detention camps till their cases are disposed of, the situation worsened. This is against the principles of natural justice and violative of human rights. Even though there is a stay order, the state administration has been serving fresh notices to a large number of people belonging to the religious and linguistic minorities resulting in harassment of Bengali and Nepali speaking people. The 20th Congress demands that there should be no such detentions in the name of voters.
The 20th Congress reiterates the demand for the increase in the number of Tribunals with adequate number of judges and infrastructure for early solution of the problem of D-voters. This Party Congress also demands early completion of updating of 1951 National Register of Citizen taking 1971 voters list as the basis and urges the Central and State Government to accept these demands and initiate appropriate action.
7. On the Centenary of the Ghadar Party
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) salutes the centenary of the Ghadar Party that was founded on April 5, 1913 in San Francisco. The Ghadar Party played a glorious role in organizing struggles like the Komagata Maru voyage for the equal rights of immigrants of all countries and mobilizing powerful militant resistance to imperialism with a brave symbolic action of a voyage to liberate their motherland, India. This Party Congress recalls with pride and salutes the memory of the 200 martyrs who were killed and 35 who were sent to the Andaman Cellular jail for life. Their fearless example raised hopes of overcoming imperialism at its most savage. The movement extended from Vancouver in Canada to San Francisco, Tokyo and the villages of Punjab. As its name indicates, it was inspired by our First War of independence of 1857; and true to this tradition during World War-I the young Kartar Singh Sarabha was executed for rousing rebellion among troops. Later on, inspired by the Russian revolution, cadres of Ghadar Party went on to organize workers and peasants to win freedom and build socialism. Many joined the Communist Party and formed the first Communist group in north-west India.
They dared to storm the bastions of imperialism in their day and their memory should inspire us to carry forward that struggle to victory over imperialism in our time.
The 20th Congress calls upon its units to observe the centenary in a befitting manner.
They dared to storm the bastions of imperialism in their day and their memory should inspire us to carry forward that struggle to victory over imperialism in our time.
The 20th Congress calls upon its units to observe the centenary in a befitting manner.
8. For Rights of Bengali Refugees
This Party Congress calls upon the Central Government to honour the assurance given by the Prime Minister to sympathetically consider the legitimate demand of the large numbers of Bengali refugees to recognize them as citizens of India. They had fled their country erstwhile East Pakistan and then Bangladesh. A large number of these refugees belong to the Scheduled Castes, mainly namashudra communities and are living in different parts of the country.
This Party Congress recognizes that the heightened insecurity of these communities is because of their exclusion in the current AAdhar drive of citizen identification which makes them even more vulnerable.
At the time of the Parliament discussion on the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2003, all political parties from across the spectrum had supported an amendment to protect these citizens who are victims of historical circumstances. Yet even after so many years the law considers them illegal migrants. There are cases where they have been treated like criminals.
This Party Congress demands a suitable amendment in Clause 2 (i) (b) of the said Citizenship Act in relation to the Bangladesh minority community refugees. This must be done while protecting the Assam accord reiterating the specific situation in Assam. It demands that the central Government bring such an amendment in the forthcoming budget session of Parliament. It assures these communities the support of the CPI (M) in their struggle for their genuine demands.
This Party Congress recognizes that the heightened insecurity of these communities is because of their exclusion in the current AAdhar drive of citizen identification which makes them even more vulnerable.
At the time of the Parliament discussion on the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2003, all political parties from across the spectrum had supported an amendment to protect these citizens who are victims of historical circumstances. Yet even after so many years the law considers them illegal migrants. There are cases where they have been treated like criminals.
This Party Congress demands a suitable amendment in Clause 2 (i) (b) of the said Citizenship Act in relation to the Bangladesh minority community refugees. This must be done while protecting the Assam accord reiterating the specific situation in Assam. It demands that the central Government bring such an amendment in the forthcoming budget session of Parliament. It assures these communities the support of the CPI (M) in their struggle for their genuine demands.
Resoultions Passed at the 20th Party Congress of CPIM
1. On the Establishment of Legislative Assembly for Andaman & Nicobar Islands
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) notes that India being the largest democratic country should provide its people in its various parts with structures of elected governance to address their concerns. But even after the passage of over six decades after independence, the government of India has failed to provide a democratic set-up with a legislature for the Union Territory of Andaman & Nicobar Islands.
The Congress notes with concern that bureaucrats reign supreme in the Island territory on the basis of their own subjective whims and fancies. The people have no say at all in the governance of the Union Territory. The budgets allotted by the Union Government are also not being properly used in the benefit of the people. This came under sharp focus in the aftermath of Tsunami and consequently the relief and rehabilitation suffered severely.
The Party Congress feels that people of the Islands in general and the working people and the poor in particular are deprived of their legitimate demands and democratic rights. Democratic public opinion in the Islands has been time and again, demanding the establishment of a legislative assembly for many years. Attempts have been made by CPI (M) MPs in the Parliament for accepting this demand. But these have not yielded any fruitful result because of the lack of positive response from successive governments at the Centre.
The Party Congress believes that unless a legislative assembly on the lines of Puducherry is provided for the A & N Islands, the problems of islanders cannot be redressed in a democratic manner. Significantly, the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on his visit to the Islands had assured an all-party meeting that this demand would be given a due consideration.
Therefore, the Congress urges upon the Government of India to take immediate measures to provide legislative assembly for the Island territory on the Puducherry model thereby fulfilling aspirations of the island's citizens.
The Congress notes with concern that bureaucrats reign supreme in the Island territory on the basis of their own subjective whims and fancies. The people have no say at all in the governance of the Union Territory. The budgets allotted by the Union Government are also not being properly used in the benefit of the people. This came under sharp focus in the aftermath of Tsunami and consequently the relief and rehabilitation suffered severely.
The Party Congress feels that people of the Islands in general and the working people and the poor in particular are deprived of their legitimate demands and democratic rights. Democratic public opinion in the Islands has been time and again, demanding the establishment of a legislative assembly for many years. Attempts have been made by CPI (M) MPs in the Parliament for accepting this demand. But these have not yielded any fruitful result because of the lack of positive response from successive governments at the Centre.
The Party Congress believes that unless a legislative assembly on the lines of Puducherry is provided for the A & N Islands, the problems of islanders cannot be redressed in a democratic manner. Significantly, the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on his visit to the Islands had assured an all-party meeting that this demand would be given a due consideration.
Therefore, the Congress urges upon the Government of India to take immediate measures to provide legislative assembly for the Island territory on the Puducherry model thereby fulfilling aspirations of the island's citizens.
2. Against RSS-BJP Communal Agenda
This 20th Congress of the CPI (M) notes with grave concern, the misuse of the Government machinery in BJP-ruled States to advance the communal BJP-RSS agenda. In addition, the BJP-RSS continues its communal propaganda in other States also.
The 20th Party Congress holds the hate propaganda of the RSS and its many fronts responsible for the rise of Hindutva terror groups, many of which had used BJP ruled Madhya Pradesh as a base for training. The utter hypocrisy of the RSS combine's claims to be a patriotic force against terrorism is thoroughly exposed by the fact that many RSS pracharaks are accused in the cases of bomb explosions in Malegaon, Mecca Masjid, Ajmer Sharif and the Samjhauta train blasts in which hundreds of innocent people were killed. While demanding speedy trial and punishment in these cases, the 20th Party Congress calls upon the Central Government to adequately compensate all those Muslim youth who were wrongly accused and jailed for months and years in these cases.
This Party Congress demands justice for the victims of the Gujarat genocide. Justice continues to be subverted for the families of the victims who were brutally killed in the communal violence of 2002. Many of those guilty continue to occupy high office. Every pressure is being brought to save Narendra Modi, Chief Minister from being named as an accused in the Gulbarg Society case, even though there is sufficient evidence of his complicity in the violence. On the contrary, officers who want to give witness against him are being threatened in various ways. This Party Congress demands an end to the subversion of law by the Narendra Modi Government.
There has been an increase on attacks on the rights of minorities as well as communal incidents targeting minority communities in States under BJP rule as in the Mangalore region of Karnataka. Here, churches have been destroyed while a special target of attack has been friendship between students of different communities.
This Party Congress notes with concern that in other States ruled by the BJP, like Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Chattisgarh and Karnataka, public money is being channeled to NGOs sponsored by the RSS, to help them to spread their communal agenda. In Madhya Pradesh, valuable land has been given to such communal outfits. In addition, secular welfare schemes like mid-day meal schemes or anganwadi centres are sought to be communalized through the introduction of Hindu rituals and recitation of mantras within the functioning of the scheme. The study of the Bhagwat Gita is made compulsory in Madhya Pradesh. In the name of cultural and social programmes young children are made to participate in programmes like Guru Dakshina, thread ceremonies etc., all associated with brahamanical rituals. These create problems for children of the oppressed castes. In particular RSS sponsored NGOs are helped to introduce such Hinduised rituals in adivasi areas to weaken adivasi cultures and diverse forms of worship of their own deities linked to nature.
The civil and police administration are being communalized and brought under RSS control in order to achieve these aims. Making it legal for Government servants to attend RSS shakhas is actually an encouragement to them to do so.
This 20th Congress of the CPI(M) pledges to fight communalism of all shades. It pledges to make special efforts to combat this danger in the BJP-ruled States. It pledges to expose the fact that the Sangh Parivar and other communal groups are also the greatest proponents and supporters of anti-people neo-liberal policies.
The 20th Party Congress holds the hate propaganda of the RSS and its many fronts responsible for the rise of Hindutva terror groups, many of which had used BJP ruled Madhya Pradesh as a base for training. The utter hypocrisy of the RSS combine's claims to be a patriotic force against terrorism is thoroughly exposed by the fact that many RSS pracharaks are accused in the cases of bomb explosions in Malegaon, Mecca Masjid, Ajmer Sharif and the Samjhauta train blasts in which hundreds of innocent people were killed. While demanding speedy trial and punishment in these cases, the 20th Party Congress calls upon the Central Government to adequately compensate all those Muslim youth who were wrongly accused and jailed for months and years in these cases.
This Party Congress demands justice for the victims of the Gujarat genocide. Justice continues to be subverted for the families of the victims who were brutally killed in the communal violence of 2002. Many of those guilty continue to occupy high office. Every pressure is being brought to save Narendra Modi, Chief Minister from being named as an accused in the Gulbarg Society case, even though there is sufficient evidence of his complicity in the violence. On the contrary, officers who want to give witness against him are being threatened in various ways. This Party Congress demands an end to the subversion of law by the Narendra Modi Government.
There has been an increase on attacks on the rights of minorities as well as communal incidents targeting minority communities in States under BJP rule as in the Mangalore region of Karnataka. Here, churches have been destroyed while a special target of attack has been friendship between students of different communities.
This Party Congress notes with concern that in other States ruled by the BJP, like Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Chattisgarh and Karnataka, public money is being channeled to NGOs sponsored by the RSS, to help them to spread their communal agenda. In Madhya Pradesh, valuable land has been given to such communal outfits. In addition, secular welfare schemes like mid-day meal schemes or anganwadi centres are sought to be communalized through the introduction of Hindu rituals and recitation of mantras within the functioning of the scheme. The study of the Bhagwat Gita is made compulsory in Madhya Pradesh. In the name of cultural and social programmes young children are made to participate in programmes like Guru Dakshina, thread ceremonies etc., all associated with brahamanical rituals. These create problems for children of the oppressed castes. In particular RSS sponsored NGOs are helped to introduce such Hinduised rituals in adivasi areas to weaken adivasi cultures and diverse forms of worship of their own deities linked to nature.
The civil and police administration are being communalized and brought under RSS control in order to achieve these aims. Making it legal for Government servants to attend RSS shakhas is actually an encouragement to them to do so.
This 20th Congress of the CPI(M) pledges to fight communalism of all shades. It pledges to make special efforts to combat this danger in the BJP-ruled States. It pledges to expose the fact that the Sangh Parivar and other communal groups are also the greatest proponents and supporters of anti-people neo-liberal policies.
3. Farmers' Suicides and Agrarian Crisis
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) expresses its deep anguish at the continuing phenomenon of distress-induced suicides among farmers in different parts of India. These suicides of farmers have come to be the most visible manifestation of the crisis of livelihoods that liberalisation and imperialist-led globalisation has unleashed in the Indian countryside after 1991. It is a reflection of the decline in public investment in agriculture, slow growth of agricultural output, adverse terms of trade and decline in the share of cultivators in the value addition.
The 20th Congress of the CPI(M) notes with grave concern that, according to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), between 1995 and 2010, there were a total of 2,56,913 suicides of Indian farmers. A substantial number of these are related to the impact of the agrarian crisis. There has been no let up in the annual number of farmers' suicides in this period; between 1998 and 2010, in every single year, the total number of farmers' suicides has ranged between about 16,000 and 17,000. In 2010, the total number of farmers' suicides was reported to be 15,964. The largest number of farmers' suicides is happening in five States: Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh. In 2010, Maharashtra reported 3,141 suicides, Karnataka reported 2,585 suicides, Andhra Pradesh reported 2,525 suicides and Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh together reported 2,363 suicides. Suicides of tenant farmers and women who do not have pattas in their names are wrongly excluded from the category of farmers committing suicides. Every hour two farmers commit suicide, around 20 attempts to commit suicide and around 60 desert agriculture.
The continuation of farmers' suicides across India also shows that the partial debt relief package announced by the UPA government in 2008 was a failure. The package completely left untouched the informal loans taken by the farmers, which constituted more than 50 per cent of the total farm debt. It also ignored the distress faced by the bulk of small and marginal farmers owning more than 2 hectares of dry land. Though seven years have passed since the submission of the recommendations of the National Commission on Farmers (NCF) in 2005, the UPA government has not yet begun to implement them. Much of the agricultural credit today goes to landlords, rich peasants and private companies. This huge diversion of agricultural credit is a gross injustice.
What is most disturbing is that farmers' distress suicides have returned to Kerala and have emerged in Bengal since 2011 after the fall of Left-led governments. The policies of the Left-led governments had provided a sense of confidence to the farmers and weaned them away from the extreme step of suicide. In Kerala, due to the farmer-friendly policies of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government between 2006 and 2011, there was an almost complete end to farmers' suicides. The state's "Debt Relief Commission" that provided relief to all indebted farmers, doubling of the procurement price in a period of five years and expanded procurement, interest-free loans to paddy farmers and, importantly, the improvement in the prices of commercial crops have contributed to this outcome. However, after the United Democratic Front (UDF) came to power in 2011, nearly 50 farmers have committed suicide. In West Bengal, since the Trinamul Congress government came to power in 2011, 42 paddy farmers have committed suicide. This new wave of suicides has been the result of a major failure of procurement of paddy and denial of even the official rates of MSP, which has led farmers to sell in distress and enter new debt cycles.
The farmers of commercial crops like cotton, sugarcane and others are the worst-hit, because they have had to invest heavily in agricultural inputs. The 20th Party Congress expresses its strong protest against the further cuts in fertiliser subsidy to the extent of Rs 6000 crores in the budget 2012-13 at a time when there is a manifold rise in the price of all inputs.
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands that:
The 20th Congress of the CPI(M) notes with grave concern that, according to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), between 1995 and 2010, there were a total of 2,56,913 suicides of Indian farmers. A substantial number of these are related to the impact of the agrarian crisis. There has been no let up in the annual number of farmers' suicides in this period; between 1998 and 2010, in every single year, the total number of farmers' suicides has ranged between about 16,000 and 17,000. In 2010, the total number of farmers' suicides was reported to be 15,964. The largest number of farmers' suicides is happening in five States: Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh. In 2010, Maharashtra reported 3,141 suicides, Karnataka reported 2,585 suicides, Andhra Pradesh reported 2,525 suicides and Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh together reported 2,363 suicides. Suicides of tenant farmers and women who do not have pattas in their names are wrongly excluded from the category of farmers committing suicides. Every hour two farmers commit suicide, around 20 attempts to commit suicide and around 60 desert agriculture.
The continuation of farmers' suicides across India also shows that the partial debt relief package announced by the UPA government in 2008 was a failure. The package completely left untouched the informal loans taken by the farmers, which constituted more than 50 per cent of the total farm debt. It also ignored the distress faced by the bulk of small and marginal farmers owning more than 2 hectares of dry land. Though seven years have passed since the submission of the recommendations of the National Commission on Farmers (NCF) in 2005, the UPA government has not yet begun to implement them. Much of the agricultural credit today goes to landlords, rich peasants and private companies. This huge diversion of agricultural credit is a gross injustice.
What is most disturbing is that farmers' distress suicides have returned to Kerala and have emerged in Bengal since 2011 after the fall of Left-led governments. The policies of the Left-led governments had provided a sense of confidence to the farmers and weaned them away from the extreme step of suicide. In Kerala, due to the farmer-friendly policies of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government between 2006 and 2011, there was an almost complete end to farmers' suicides. The state's "Debt Relief Commission" that provided relief to all indebted farmers, doubling of the procurement price in a period of five years and expanded procurement, interest-free loans to paddy farmers and, importantly, the improvement in the prices of commercial crops have contributed to this outcome. However, after the United Democratic Front (UDF) came to power in 2011, nearly 50 farmers have committed suicide. In West Bengal, since the Trinamul Congress government came to power in 2011, 42 paddy farmers have committed suicide. This new wave of suicides has been the result of a major failure of procurement of paddy and denial of even the official rates of MSP, which has led farmers to sell in distress and enter new debt cycles.
The farmers of commercial crops like cotton, sugarcane and others are the worst-hit, because they have had to invest heavily in agricultural inputs. The 20th Party Congress expresses its strong protest against the further cuts in fertiliser subsidy to the extent of Rs 6000 crores in the budget 2012-13 at a time when there is a manifold rise in the price of all inputs.
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands that:
- the recommendations of the National Commission for Farmers (NCF) must be implemented without delay;
- the government should restore subsidies and intervene in the supply of seeds and other agricultural inputs by establishing fair price retail outlets in rural areas, where quality of inputs is assured;
- the public procurement system be expanded, entry of private players in procurement be discouraged and an adequate minimum support price (MSP) based on the recommendations of the NCF be introduced for all crops;
- Small and marginal farmers and tenant farmers be accorded a special sub-quota in the supply of agricultural credit by commercial banks and other financial institutions.
- a comprehensive crop insurance scheme be implemented for all crops and to which all peasants have access;
- The government should institute a fund on the lines of calamity funds to assist farmers affected by crop losses.
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) appeals to peasants in different parts of our country to not take the extreme step of suicide. The personal or social alternative is not suicide, but unity of the working people against liberalisation and imperialist-led globalisation, and the struggle for decent standards of living and a better society. Suicide is no solution; struggle is the way.
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