18. Ensure Social Security for All Toilers
The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands that all sections of the toiling people, particularly the vulnerable sections, be brought under the cover of social security. The Central government should allocate adequate financial resources to ensure universal social security.
Social security benefits like pension, provident fund, health insurance etc. are hard won rights of the working class secured through decades of struggle in the twentieth century. These gains are now being reversed through privatisation of pension funds, provident funds and cuts in subsidies and welfare benefits. The neoliberal austerity measures being implemented across the world today specifically target the social security benefits in order to pass on the burden of the economic crisis to the working people.
In India, the overwhelming majority of the 46 crore strong workforce, a large number of them women, is outside the cover of any social security. The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) estimated that 93% of the total workforce was employed in the unorganised sector in 2004-05. The situation has not improved since then, as the NSS 2009-10 data clearly show. This vast mass of people, comprising of the informal sector workers, contractual labourers, self-employed persons, agricultural workers and small peasants, are not entitled to any pension, provident fund or health insurance. The pension schemes for old-aged persons, widows or the disabled persons are so restrictive that the bulk of these vulnerable sections do not benefit from them.
The Unorganised Workers' Social Security Act, enacted in 2008 on the eve of the general elections, has thoroughly failed to provide for universal and comprehensive social security. Ten already existing social welfare schemes, most of which cover only the BPL segments of the population, have been extended to the unorganised sector workers. With the ridiculously low BPL criteria of the government, more than 90% of the unorganised sector workers are left out of the purview of these schemes. The important recommendations of the NCEUS for universal coverage have been ignored. Only in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura under the Left Front have sought to implement the recommendations.
The Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY), which is mostly restricted to the BPL population. Budget 2012 proposes to spend Rs. 1568 crore on RSBY (including MGNREGA workers) in the current year, which amounts to only around Rs. 550 worth of benefits per worker. Such a token amount will fail to provide any meaningful health insurance coverage. The National Social Security Fund for Unorganised Workers has not been allocated additional funds after the initial allocation of Rs. 1000 crore in 2010.
This Congress holds that health schemes in the name of health security using an insurance model actually channels public funds to private medical sector. India requires a strong public health system which will provide comprehensive health care.
The existing social security cover for the organised sector employees, both in the public and private sectors, is also under threat. The interest rate for the Employees Provident Fund has once again been slashed from 9.5% to 8.25%, affecting millions of workers and employees. The PFRDA Bill seeks to privatise pension funds, allow FDI in the sector and facilitate the investment of pension funds in the speculative stock market.
Under the Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension scheme, a measly amount of Rs. 400 to Rs. 500 per month is given to old age persons under BPL, out of which the central government bears only Rs. 200 per person. The needs of senior citizens are grossly neglected. Despite repeated demands, the Government has refused to enact legislation to ensure comprehensive social security for the agricultural workers, who are the most exploited. Bulk of the rural poor in India is outside any social security coverage. The paltry budgetary allocations for the social security schemes constrain the capacity of the Central and State governments to expand the coverage of social security. The total Central Plan Outlay for social security and welfare in Budget 2012 was Rs. 18190 crore, which is only around 0.18% of GDP.
The neo-liberal policies pursued by the central government seek to restrict social security to mere tokenism. The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) demands that the government abandon its anti-people approach and make adequate financial allocations to ensure universal coverage of minimum social security benefits comprising of:
Social security benefits like pension, provident fund, health insurance etc. are hard won rights of the working class secured through decades of struggle in the twentieth century. These gains are now being reversed through privatisation of pension funds, provident funds and cuts in subsidies and welfare benefits. The neoliberal austerity measures being implemented across the world today specifically target the social security benefits in order to pass on the burden of the economic crisis to the working people.
In India, the overwhelming majority of the 46 crore strong workforce, a large number of them women, is outside the cover of any social security. The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) estimated that 93% of the total workforce was employed in the unorganised sector in 2004-05. The situation has not improved since then, as the NSS 2009-10 data clearly show. This vast mass of people, comprising of the informal sector workers, contractual labourers, self-employed persons, agricultural workers and small peasants, are not entitled to any pension, provident fund or health insurance. The pension schemes for old-aged persons, widows or the disabled persons are so restrictive that the bulk of these vulnerable sections do not benefit from them.
The Unorganised Workers' Social Security Act, enacted in 2008 on the eve of the general elections, has thoroughly failed to provide for universal and comprehensive social security. Ten already existing social welfare schemes, most of which cover only the BPL segments of the population, have been extended to the unorganised sector workers. With the ridiculously low BPL criteria of the government, more than 90% of the unorganised sector workers are left out of the purview of these schemes. The important recommendations of the NCEUS for universal coverage have been ignored. Only in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura under the Left Front have sought to implement the recommendations.
The Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY), which is mostly restricted to the BPL population. Budget 2012 proposes to spend Rs. 1568 crore on RSBY (including MGNREGA workers) in the current year, which amounts to only around Rs. 550 worth of benefits per worker. Such a token amount will fail to provide any meaningful health insurance coverage. The National Social Security Fund for Unorganised Workers has not been allocated additional funds after the initial allocation of Rs. 1000 crore in 2010.
This Congress holds that health schemes in the name of health security using an insurance model actually channels public funds to private medical sector. India requires a strong public health system which will provide comprehensive health care.
The existing social security cover for the organised sector employees, both in the public and private sectors, is also under threat. The interest rate for the Employees Provident Fund has once again been slashed from 9.5% to 8.25%, affecting millions of workers and employees. The PFRDA Bill seeks to privatise pension funds, allow FDI in the sector and facilitate the investment of pension funds in the speculative stock market.
Under the Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension scheme, a measly amount of Rs. 400 to Rs. 500 per month is given to old age persons under BPL, out of which the central government bears only Rs. 200 per person. The needs of senior citizens are grossly neglected. Despite repeated demands, the Government has refused to enact legislation to ensure comprehensive social security for the agricultural workers, who are the most exploited. Bulk of the rural poor in India is outside any social security coverage. The paltry budgetary allocations for the social security schemes constrain the capacity of the Central and State governments to expand the coverage of social security. The total Central Plan Outlay for social security and welfare in Budget 2012 was Rs. 18190 crore, which is only around 0.18% of GDP.
The neo-liberal policies pursued by the central government seek to restrict social security to mere tokenism. The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) demands that the government abandon its anti-people approach and make adequate financial allocations to ensure universal coverage of minimum social security benefits comprising of:
- Old age pension above 60 years and extended benefits for senior citizens
- Widow pension
- Maternity benefits etc
- Life and accidental coverage
- Disability allowance
- A public health system tat is adequately financed and accessible to all
These social security benefits should be extended to all sections of the toiling people: the informal sector workers including home-based workers, contractual labourers, self-employed persons, agricultural workers and small peasants. The BPL eligibility criteria for social security should be discarded forthwith.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon all sections of the toiling people to unite and launch sustained struggles to secure their right to social security.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon all sections of the toiling people to unite and launch sustained struggles to secure their right to social security.
19.Resolution on Unemployment
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) expresses deep concern at the failure of the Indian state to ensure adequate employment opportunities for the masses in rural and urban areas. The most recent data point to a grim future for millions of young men and women if the present policies are to continue. It also shows that the much proclaimed growth story of the Indian economy is a jobless and job loss growth.
According to the National Sample Survey data for 2009-10, there is a sharp decrease in employment growth in India, from an annual rate of around 2.7 per cent during 2000-2005 to only 0.8 per cent during 2005-2010. Growth in nonagricultural employment fell from 4.65 per cent per year to 2.53 per cent, even at a time when annual GDP growth was above 8 per cent, during the latter period. The MGNREGA has not been able to ensure more than 40 to 50 days of work per household in a year, despite the statutory commitment to provide 100 days of work.
The unemployment rate for the youth in the 15 to 29 years age group remains at very high levels. For rural young males it was 10.9 per cent and for rural young females 12 percent. The figures in urban areas is equally disturbing, at 10.5 per cent for young men and as high as 18.9 per cent for young women. In both the rural and urban areas, unemployment rate among the educated (secondary and above) persons of 15 years old and above was higher than those whose education level was lower than secondary school.
Even though large numbers of unemployed do not register themselves at the Government employment exchanges, the number of job seekers registered with the 966 employment exchanges across the country stood at a staggering 3.81 crore at the end of 2009, out of which 2.9 crore were educated jobseekers and 90 lakh uneducated jobseekers. As against the registration of over 62 lakh job seekers in 2011, only 4.7 lakh placements were made through employment exchanges.
In this situation of galloping unemployment, the 20th Congress of the CPI (M) strongly protests against the virtual ban on recruitments by the Central Government and public sector units. The 20th Congress also strongly protests against the policy of abolition of vacant posts in various government departments being pursued by the government. There are above 10 lakh vacancies lying unfilled in various central government departments, with the number of unfilled vacancies in the police and defense forces alone amount to over 7 lakh. The number of vacancies in Group C and erstwhile Group D posts in the railways as on 1st April 2011 was over 2.2 lakh. Vacancies also exist for skilled professionals such as teachers, doctors, scientists, statisticians, economists etc. Half of these vacancies belong to SC, ST and OBC categories.
Since the Government which is the main employer in the organized sector refuses to take measures to expand employment opportunities, it is hardly surprising that the total organized sector employment in India was only 2.87 crore in 2010, out of a total workforce of over 46 crore (i.e. around 6%). Employment in the organized sector, public and private combined, has grown by only 2.3 per cent in 2009 and 1.9 per cent in 2010.
This reveals the real nature of India's much proclaimed growth story. An utterly lopsided pattern of growth has meant that while agriculture's share in GDP has declined to just 15 per cent today, the workforce dependent on agriculture still remains as high as 52 per cent. Growth in the services and industrial sectors is failing to generate adequate jobs to absorb surplus workforce from agriculture. Such jobless growth is also creating a growing divide between the urban and the rural areas and widening socio-economic inequalities in an unprecedented manner.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon its units to organize the unemployed people, particularly the youth, and launch agitations on the following demands:
According to the National Sample Survey data for 2009-10, there is a sharp decrease in employment growth in India, from an annual rate of around 2.7 per cent during 2000-2005 to only 0.8 per cent during 2005-2010. Growth in nonagricultural employment fell from 4.65 per cent per year to 2.53 per cent, even at a time when annual GDP growth was above 8 per cent, during the latter period. The MGNREGA has not been able to ensure more than 40 to 50 days of work per household in a year, despite the statutory commitment to provide 100 days of work.
The unemployment rate for the youth in the 15 to 29 years age group remains at very high levels. For rural young males it was 10.9 per cent and for rural young females 12 percent. The figures in urban areas is equally disturbing, at 10.5 per cent for young men and as high as 18.9 per cent for young women. In both the rural and urban areas, unemployment rate among the educated (secondary and above) persons of 15 years old and above was higher than those whose education level was lower than secondary school.
Even though large numbers of unemployed do not register themselves at the Government employment exchanges, the number of job seekers registered with the 966 employment exchanges across the country stood at a staggering 3.81 crore at the end of 2009, out of which 2.9 crore were educated jobseekers and 90 lakh uneducated jobseekers. As against the registration of over 62 lakh job seekers in 2011, only 4.7 lakh placements were made through employment exchanges.
In this situation of galloping unemployment, the 20th Congress of the CPI (M) strongly protests against the virtual ban on recruitments by the Central Government and public sector units. The 20th Congress also strongly protests against the policy of abolition of vacant posts in various government departments being pursued by the government. There are above 10 lakh vacancies lying unfilled in various central government departments, with the number of unfilled vacancies in the police and defense forces alone amount to over 7 lakh. The number of vacancies in Group C and erstwhile Group D posts in the railways as on 1st April 2011 was over 2.2 lakh. Vacancies also exist for skilled professionals such as teachers, doctors, scientists, statisticians, economists etc. Half of these vacancies belong to SC, ST and OBC categories.
Since the Government which is the main employer in the organized sector refuses to take measures to expand employment opportunities, it is hardly surprising that the total organized sector employment in India was only 2.87 crore in 2010, out of a total workforce of over 46 crore (i.e. around 6%). Employment in the organized sector, public and private combined, has grown by only 2.3 per cent in 2009 and 1.9 per cent in 2010.
This reveals the real nature of India's much proclaimed growth story. An utterly lopsided pattern of growth has meant that while agriculture's share in GDP has declined to just 15 per cent today, the workforce dependent on agriculture still remains as high as 52 per cent. Growth in the services and industrial sectors is failing to generate adequate jobs to absorb surplus workforce from agriculture. Such jobless growth is also creating a growing divide between the urban and the rural areas and widening socio-economic inequalities in an unprecedented manner.
The 20th Congress of the CPI (M) calls upon its units to organize the unemployed people, particularly the youth, and launch agitations on the following demands:
- Lift the ban on recruitment in different Central and State Government departments and PSEs; Stop the policy of abolition of vacant posts and fill all vacancies
- Provide unemployment allowance to the registered unemployed; Modernize employment exchanges
- Expand the scope of the MGNREGA to all individuals (not only to households) and enhance the cap of 100 days
- Initiate Urban Employment Guarantee Scheme at minimum wages with a minimum of one-third jobs reserved for women
- Enhance financial support for self-employment schemes, SHGs and small enterprises
- Release employment data along with quarterly GDP estimates
20. In Defence of the Rights of the Urban Poor against Anti-People Urban Reforms
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI (M) notes that while urbanization in many states has picked up in the recent period in our country, the Central Government is imposing a regime of urban reform reflecting the policies of the World Bank. The basic thrust of these policies is to meet the requirements of the neo-rich, the corporate and foreign investors. Considering that the process of urbanization in a country like India also reflects distress migration to the cities of the rural population, these policies have a very negative impact on the vast mass of the urban poor.
Reform projects like the JNNURM; make allocation of funds conditional to the acceptance of anti-people conditions such as the lifting of the urban land ceiling and imposition of a range of user charges on essential civic services. Urban bodies are deprived of funds and the burden of these policies is borne by the common people and particularly the urban poor. Although many State Governments, who are committed to such policies themselves, raise no objections, in fact, the very project is an assault and encroachment on the rights of the States. It is only the Left Front Governments in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura which had fought against these conditions.
This Party Congress strongly protests against the imposition of high user charges and the constant hike in charges on various municipal services such as water, sanitation, betterment charges ranging from 100 to 1000 per cent. Municipal services which were directly handled by municipalities which were accountable to the people are now being privatized. Various concessions extended to the people are being withdrawn.
This Party Congress notes with deep concern that on the basic right of housing for the urban poor instead of utilizing the available land to meet the housing needs of people, the policy being adopted by the Central Government is resulting in handing over of lands to private real estate operators. Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY), a recently-introduced scheme, provides an opportunity for the private real estate operators to grab large extent of urban lands which are hitherto with the poor urban slum-dwellers. The RAY, in its preamble, envisages totally slum-free cities. It listed out various categories of land belonging to government or quasi-government institutions, where slums are not permitted. Wherever an exception is to be made, the scheme insists that it should be a PPP model housing only. Taking advantage of this scheme and its related policies, private real estate mafia is resorting to unscrupulous means to drive away the poor from their dwellings to take over the lands. At the same time the Indian Railways and other Central Government institutions which own a substantial amount of land in urban areas are evicting thousands of families who have been living on that land for decades. The police firing and repression in Jharkhand on those resisting evictions resulting in the deaths of six persons and recently the brutal evictions in Kolkata show the anti-poor nature of these reforms.
During the Left Front regime in Bengal, an alternative method of housing for the poor was developed with in situ development of slums in Kolkata and distribution of urban land pattas for the cost of just one rupee. This model should be used all over the country.
This Party Congress calls upon its units in urban areas to take up the wide range of civic issues concerning the urban poor and organize them in their residential areas. This must include the rights of the working poor such as street vendors and migrants. It gives a clarion call for a determined struggle against the harmful urban reforms.
Reform projects like the JNNURM; make allocation of funds conditional to the acceptance of anti-people conditions such as the lifting of the urban land ceiling and imposition of a range of user charges on essential civic services. Urban bodies are deprived of funds and the burden of these policies is borne by the common people and particularly the urban poor. Although many State Governments, who are committed to such policies themselves, raise no objections, in fact, the very project is an assault and encroachment on the rights of the States. It is only the Left Front Governments in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura which had fought against these conditions.
This Party Congress strongly protests against the imposition of high user charges and the constant hike in charges on various municipal services such as water, sanitation, betterment charges ranging from 100 to 1000 per cent. Municipal services which were directly handled by municipalities which were accountable to the people are now being privatized. Various concessions extended to the people are being withdrawn.
This Party Congress notes with deep concern that on the basic right of housing for the urban poor instead of utilizing the available land to meet the housing needs of people, the policy being adopted by the Central Government is resulting in handing over of lands to private real estate operators. Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY), a recently-introduced scheme, provides an opportunity for the private real estate operators to grab large extent of urban lands which are hitherto with the poor urban slum-dwellers. The RAY, in its preamble, envisages totally slum-free cities. It listed out various categories of land belonging to government or quasi-government institutions, where slums are not permitted. Wherever an exception is to be made, the scheme insists that it should be a PPP model housing only. Taking advantage of this scheme and its related policies, private real estate mafia is resorting to unscrupulous means to drive away the poor from their dwellings to take over the lands. At the same time the Indian Railways and other Central Government institutions which own a substantial amount of land in urban areas are evicting thousands of families who have been living on that land for decades. The police firing and repression in Jharkhand on those resisting evictions resulting in the deaths of six persons and recently the brutal evictions in Kolkata show the anti-poor nature of these reforms.
During the Left Front regime in Bengal, an alternative method of housing for the poor was developed with in situ development of slums in Kolkata and distribution of urban land pattas for the cost of just one rupee. This model should be used all over the country.
This Party Congress calls upon its units in urban areas to take up the wide range of civic issues concerning the urban poor and organize them in their residential areas. This must include the rights of the working poor such as street vendors and migrants. It gives a clarion call for a determined struggle against the harmful urban reforms.
21. Resolution on Violence against Women
This 20th Congress of the CPI(M) expresses deep concern over the steep escalation in crimes against women, and is alarmed by the barbarity and savagery of the atrocities being committed at a time when women are entering public life, institutions of learning, and diverse work spheres in increasing numbers. The crude commodification of women and the portrayal of women as sex objects in the mass media is highly objectionable and is not only demeaning to women but creates an environment which trivialises the crime of sexual harassment and violence against women.
In the period between 2006 and 2010, crimes against women have registered an increase of as much as 29.3%. While registered cases of domestic violence against women have increased by 5 per cent over the previous year to 94, 041 cases the number of dowry deaths is as high as 8391 in 2010. Yet there is a retrograde campaign to dilute even the inadequate clause 498 at which deals with this issue, which must be resisted. The increase in the number of cases of sexual assault and rape show that the safety and security of women is deeply compromised. There were over 94,000 rape cases registered in 2010, in other words in every hour seven women/children became victims of rape. Many cases go unreported because the victims belong to the poorer socially oppressed sections that have little access to justice. In particular sexual assaults on tribal and dalit women are greatly underreported. Shockingly, the conviction rates in crimes against women are just 26 per cent which means that three fourths of the criminals get away scot-free. The failure to punish the criminals and the long delay in the judicial process is undoubtedly one of the reasons for the increase in rapes and gang rapes being witnessed in several parts of the country.
This Party congress condemns the failure of the Central Government to make the essential changes in the legal framework even though Bills are pending for several years. India is one of the few countries which do not have a special law against child sexual abuse even though such crimes are increasing. Working women face increased cases of sexual harassment at the workplace, including horrific cases against young women in the IT sector, yet twelve years after the Supreme Court guidelines in the Vishakha case, the Government has still not enacted the required law. Even though crimes in the name of honour have increased the Government has refused to enact a comprehensive legislation because of powerful casteist lobbies.
This Party Congress protests against the anti- women and utterly insensitive statements made by some political leaders who blame the victim or who call into question the veracity of her complaint. Recent outrageous statements by the West Bengal Chief Minister calling complaints of rape a political conspiracy against her Government, even while the investigation confirmed the truth of the victims' complaints are an assault on the rights of victims for justice. In Karnataka the ruling party, the BJP has refused to take criminal action against Ministers watching pornographic films during the Assembly session. In Rajasthan, the Congress Government initially did its best to shield a senior Minister and MLAs from charges of sexual exploitation and subsequent murder of a dalit health worker who threatened to expose their misdemeanors. The law gets compromised and victim becomes doubly victimized by such insensitivity and blatant bias by some political leaders and officials.
This Congress demands sound, effective legal intervention to enforce time bound punishment of the guilty. The social, political, and economic factors leading to escalating violence against women must also be addressed in a comprehensive and gender sensitive manner.
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI (M) reiterates its commitment to fight against the increasing violence against women and for stringent punishment to the criminals in all such cases.
In the period between 2006 and 2010, crimes against women have registered an increase of as much as 29.3%. While registered cases of domestic violence against women have increased by 5 per cent over the previous year to 94, 041 cases the number of dowry deaths is as high as 8391 in 2010. Yet there is a retrograde campaign to dilute even the inadequate clause 498 at which deals with this issue, which must be resisted. The increase in the number of cases of sexual assault and rape show that the safety and security of women is deeply compromised. There were over 94,000 rape cases registered in 2010, in other words in every hour seven women/children became victims of rape. Many cases go unreported because the victims belong to the poorer socially oppressed sections that have little access to justice. In particular sexual assaults on tribal and dalit women are greatly underreported. Shockingly, the conviction rates in crimes against women are just 26 per cent which means that three fourths of the criminals get away scot-free. The failure to punish the criminals and the long delay in the judicial process is undoubtedly one of the reasons for the increase in rapes and gang rapes being witnessed in several parts of the country.
This Party congress condemns the failure of the Central Government to make the essential changes in the legal framework even though Bills are pending for several years. India is one of the few countries which do not have a special law against child sexual abuse even though such crimes are increasing. Working women face increased cases of sexual harassment at the workplace, including horrific cases against young women in the IT sector, yet twelve years after the Supreme Court guidelines in the Vishakha case, the Government has still not enacted the required law. Even though crimes in the name of honour have increased the Government has refused to enact a comprehensive legislation because of powerful casteist lobbies.
This Party Congress protests against the anti- women and utterly insensitive statements made by some political leaders who blame the victim or who call into question the veracity of her complaint. Recent outrageous statements by the West Bengal Chief Minister calling complaints of rape a political conspiracy against her Government, even while the investigation confirmed the truth of the victims' complaints are an assault on the rights of victims for justice. In Karnataka the ruling party, the BJP has refused to take criminal action against Ministers watching pornographic films during the Assembly session. In Rajasthan, the Congress Government initially did its best to shield a senior Minister and MLAs from charges of sexual exploitation and subsequent murder of a dalit health worker who threatened to expose their misdemeanors. The law gets compromised and victim becomes doubly victimized by such insensitivity and blatant bias by some political leaders and officials.
This Congress demands sound, effective legal intervention to enforce time bound punishment of the guilty. The social, political, and economic factors leading to escalating violence against women must also be addressed in a comprehensive and gender sensitive manner.
The 20th Party Congress of the CPI (M) reiterates its commitment to fight against the increasing violence against women and for stringent punishment to the criminals in all such cases.
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