Intervention of Sitaram Yechury
Member Polit Bureau
Head, International Department Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Presented by R. Arun Kumar
Member, International Department
Dear Comrades,
At the very outset allow me to thank the Portuguese Communist Party
for hosting the 15th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers'
Parties, and making such splendid arrangements. I also use this
occasion to offer my humble homage and salute the memory of Comrade
Alvaro Cunhal, legendary leader, not only of the PCP, but also of the
international communist movement, on his birth centenary.
Global capitalist crisis, that is plaguing the world, has not abated.
The recently published IMF, World Economic Outlook Report, October
2013, states: “Global growth is still weak, its underlying dynamics are
changing, and the risks to the forecast remain to the downside...old
problems – a fragmented financial system in the euro area and
worrisomely high public debt in all major advanced economies – remain
unresolved and could trigger new crises...the global economy could grow
by only slightly more than 3 percent a year over the medium term,
instead of reaccelerating to over 4 percent...”It further states:
“Industrial production recovered modestly in the advanced economies but
is still slowing in the emerging market and developing economies.
Together with the MENA region, the euro area is seeing another increase
in an already high unemployment rate”.
The crisis has once again resoundingly demonstrated capitalism’s
inherent oppressive and exploitative character. It is imposing greater
miseries on the vast majority of the world’s population. This crisis is
also increasingly demonstrating that imperialism, notwithstanding all
ideological efforts to obfuscate its existence and role, is leading
global capitalism in this offensive against humanity.
The internal dynamics of capitalism, as Marx has shown, leads to the
accumulation and concentration of capital in a few hands. It is on the
basis of a scientific analysis of the development of this tendency that
Lenin identified the emergence and growth of imperialism from the stage
of monopoly capitalism. The Leninist analysis of the politics of
imperialism – the highest stage of capitalism – laid the foundations for
correct revolutionary strategy and tactics for intensifying class
struggles leading, for the first time in human history, to the triumph
of the proletarian revolution – the great October Socialist Revolution
of 1917.
Lenin, with penetrative clarity, anticipates that in the imperialist
stage, with the rise of finance capital, ‘The “business operations” of
capitalist monopolies inevitably lead to the domination of a financial
oligarchy’. He defines imperialism with the domination of finance
capital as the highest stage of capitalism where the supremacy of
finance capital over all other forms of capital is established.
Furthering the analysis of the feature of ‘export of capital’, Lenin
anticipates the future saying, ‘Thus finance capital, literally, one
might say, spreads its net over all countries of the world’.
Further, ‘The characteristic feature of imperialism is not industrial
but finance capital.’ Lenin, thus, anticipates not only the dominance
and leadership of finance capital in the stage of imperialism, but he
also shows that this process will lead to the enmeshing of all forms of
capital under its leadership in the pursuit of profit maximisation.
This current phase of globalisation, within the stage of imperialism,
led to gigantic levels of concentration and centralisation of capital
and, hence, accumulation led byinternational finance capital during the
last two decades. This led to a reordering of the world where this
capital seeks unhindered access across the globe in its quest for profit
maximisation. This, in itself, imposes conditions for the removal of
all restrictions on the flow of this capital, the essence of financial
liberalisation. The accompanying neo-liberal offensive of economic
reforms, seriously threatens and undermines the economic and, hence, the
political sovereignty of the nation-states, particularly in the
developing countries. Trade libealisation displaces domestic producers
engendering domestic de-industrialization, particularly in developing
countries. This also happens in the developed countries due to
relocation of production and business operations outside their
countries. So also liberalisation of capital flows allows multinational
corporations to acquire domestic productive assets abroad (like our
public sector), vastly enlarging capital accumulation.
This preponderant domination of international finance capital,
however, does not suggest the cessation of inter-imperialist
contradictions. These not merely exist but are bound to intensify in the
future, given the basic capitalist law of uneven development. This
leads to conflicts of interests between capitalist centres given their
relative future strengths often reflected, today, in the conflict of
interests over control of world’s resources or in seeking a eordering of
the world – a new re-division for creating specific spheres of
influence.
Other ways of consolidating capital accumulation are through the
imposition of deflationary policies like restrictions on government
expenditures in the name of fiscal discipline (making availablelarger
quantum of liquidity to IFC to multiply speculaive profits) which leads
to the lowering of the level of aggregate demand in the world economy; a
shift in the terms of trade against the peasantry in the developing
countries; a rolling back of the State sector in providing social
services globally, more pronounced in the developing countries, which
increasingly become privatised and the opening up of huge new areas of
public utilities for profit maximisation. Agriculture is increasingly
being opened up to multinational seed and marketing companies leading to
the virtual destruction of self-reliant agriculture in the developing
countries, throwing the peasantry into acute distress. The removal of
trade tariffs and imposition of Free Trade Agreements is leading to
de-industrialisation in many developing countries. In direct contrast to
the freedom of movement for capital, the strict domestic immigration
laws in developed countries leads to intensified exploitation and
oppression while maximising profits. Common public resources like
forests, mines, water, etc., are increasingly being taken over as
private property. Thus, a new feature of contemporary imperialism is the
coercive prising open of new and hitherto non-existent avenues for
profit maximisation.
Under contemporary imperialism, the role of the State changes in
accordance with its current needs to advance the interests of IFC and it
often acts at its dictates. The State’s abdication of social
responsibilities and obligations towards the people, therefore, does not
mean its withdrawal from economic activities. Its role changes to
brazenly advance the interests of IFC. In the process, not only does it
relinquish its social responsibilities but also undermines democratic
institutions, subverts people’s sovereignty over the law making
processes and increasingly adopts an authoritarian character.In the
absence of a powerful political alternative, capitalism will emerge from
this crisis but at the expense of further intensifying exploitation and
through the process of intensifying primitive accumulation. This
manifests in the current imperialist aggressiveness in all spheres.
Following the shift in favour of imperialism in the international
correlation of class forces, USA has embarked to consolidate its global
hegemony. This new world order is designed to operate in all spheres.
This, on the one hand, led to unleashing unilateral wars and on the
other, it led to the strengthening of the US military machine. At the
same time, the NATO, whose need for existence should have simply
disappeared with the end of the Cold War, was further strengthened as
imperialism’s global war machine.
In pursuit of its hegemonic designs, the US imperialism is now
concentrating on Asian continent because it is host to two of the
largest populated countries in the world – China and India – which means
they constitute the largest market. The imperialist powers, need this
region more than anything else today to come out of the deep economic
crisis they find themselves in. And to their strategic concentration in
this region is another vital class reason – socialist China, which
imperialism considers is developing into a formidable foe and a threat
to its hegemony.
All these reasons translated into prioritising Asia-Pacific as a
region that deserves the attention of the US, both economically and
militarily. The US, over the years had been developing its strategic
plans to increase its presence and ensure its hegemony over the entire
Asia-Pacific region. Outlining these priorities, US President Barack
Obama during his visit to Australia, stated “After a decade in which we
fought two wars that cost us dearly, in blood and treasure, the United
States is turning our attention to the vast potential of the Asia
Pacific region...As the world’s fastest- growing region – and home to
more than half the global economy – the Asia Pacific is critical to
achieving my highest priority...With most of the world’s nuclear power
and some half of humanity, Asia will largely define whether the century
ahead will be marked by conflict or cooperation, needless suffering or
human progress...I have,
therefore, made a deliberate and strategic decision – as a Pacific
nation, the United States will play a larger and long-term role in
shaping this region and its future...As we plan and budget for the
future, we will allocate the resources necessary to maintain our strong
military presence in this region...Our enduring interests in the region
demand our enduring presence in the region...”
Accordingly, the US
decided to reposition its Navy so that 60 per cent of its warships would
be assigned to the Asia- Pacific region by 2020.
The increasing economic integration of South and East Asia has
strengthened the strategic significance of the Indian and Pacific Oceans
as a continuous throughway for global commerce and energy. The US
intends to develop its strategic ties with India in this background.
This explains some of the vital reasons for the Indo-US nuclear deal,
several defence tie-ups and other accords on various other sectors like
agriculture, education, etc. Moreover, to establish its global hegemony,
USA needs the containment of China and for this it sees India as a
potential ally. Asia-Pacific region has also become strategically
important because approximately 90 percent of globally traded
merchandise travels by these seas. As much as 50percent of the world’s
container traffic and 70 percent of global energy trade now transits
the Indian Ocean.
In order to improve its economic hold the US now intends to create
the worlds’ biggest free trade zone in this region. Considering itself
as a leader of all the
countries surrounding the Pacific rim and Indian ocean it wants to seal
strategic partnership with most of them. This is needed, to break the
economic relations of China with these countries and prise open the
markets of these countries for US goods and services. Accordingly the US
is moving towards the goal of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to
create the world’s largest and most demanding free-trade area in ways
that deepen the economic integration of the US and its Asia-Pacific
allies. This TPP zone, if created, will include countries from Chile in
Latin America to Australia, Japan and all other countries in the Pacific
Ocean. The US wants India too to be part of the TPP.
As a group, the TPP countries are the largest goods and services
export market of the United States. US goods exports to the broader
Asia-Pacific totalled $942 billion in 2012, representing 61 percent of
total U.S. goods exports. US exports of agricultural products to the
region totalled $106 billion in 2012, 75 percent of total US
agricultural exports. US private services exports totalled $226 billion
in 2011 (latest data available), 38 percent of total US private services
exports to the world. The US is also promoting the re-militarisation of
Japan in the region as a counterweight to China. To achieve its
strategic opportunities, it is pulling India into its vortex and scheme
of things as can be discerned through the joint naval exercises
conducted in the Bay of Bengal by both the countries along with
Australia, Japan, Philippines. The rising bourgeoisie of the advanced
capitalist countries, in order to consolidate their class rule, had
earlier championed national sovereignty as being sacrosanct.
Today, imperialism, is using FTAs and also its military might to
subvert and negate national sovereignty of independent countries.
The ‘Global War Against Terror’ launched under the leadership of US
imperialism is being used as the justification for brazen military
intervention, and for trampling national sovereignty to impose a ‘regime
change’ to suit its interests. Like the ‘war against Communism’ was
used as the pretext during the Cold War to justify imperialist military
intervention, the ‘war against terror’ is being used today to violate
the national sovereignty of independent countries and the basic human
rights of its people.
State terrorism practised by imperialism and individual terrorism
unleashed by fundamentalist outfits feed on each other. The fight
against both these dangers, is necessary to build the unity of the
working class and other toiling sections of the society and also to
counter the growing threat of right-wing fundamentalist forces.
We should remember that the devastation caused by the great depression
of the 1930s was met in different ways by different capitalist
countries. One of these ways laid the basis for the rise of fascism.
Georgi Dimitrov, in his speech at the Communist International in 1935,
underlined, “Fascism adapts its demagogy to the peculiarities of each
country. And the mass of petty bourgeois and even a section of the
workers, reduced to despair by want, unemployment and insecurity of
their existence fall victim to the social and chauvinist demagogy of
fascism.” Further, he explained how“it is in the interests of the most
reactionary circles of the bourgeoisie that fascism
intercepts the disappointed masses who desert the old bourgeois parties.
But it impresses these masses by the vehemence of its attacks on the
bourgeois governments and its irreconcilable attitude to the old
bourgeois parties”.
Hence, how this economic crisis will be tackled and how the world
comes out of it will determine the nature of social conflicts that arise
as various sections of the people scramble for their share of the
shrinking cake. The absence of a powerful communist-led counter attack,
engenders the danger of the rise of reactionary forces.
It is hence the responsibility of the Communists and the progressive
sections of the society not only to fight back the tendencies that lead
to the growth of right-wing politics and neo-fascist forces, but also
properly channelise the popular discontent.
This is one of the important steps that needs to be undertaken in the
present juncture to strengthen the 'subjective factor' that Lenin had
talked about and utilise the developing objective conditions to usher in
a social transformation – a political alternative to capitalism –
socialism.
Long Live Marxism-Leninism
Long Live the Unity of Communist and Workers' Parties
Thank You
