A Thunderbolt from the sky..A thunderbolt that could make change.A Thunderbolt that will tear apart the black clouds of imperialism and communalism that had covered India.Yes change is inevitable..Change will Come..
A 48 hour fast is being observed in Kaverirajapuram village, Thiruvalluvar district demanding the governement to retain the 200 acres of government barren land which the Karnataka Chief Justice Dinakaran has grabbed using force and forged documents. The dharna is being spearheaded by CPIM, All India Kisan Sabha, All India Agricultural Workers Union and various mass organisations. CPIM central committe member Com. U Vasuki is leading the protest. Around 500 peoples including women participated in the struggle. 80 comrades including 11 women and Com. U Vasuki were later arrested by the police. Tamil Nadu Agricultural Workers Union General Secretary Com. K Balakrishnan inaugurated the protest meet. While speeking at the occassion he camedown heavily on the authorities who have been acting as agents of Mr Dinakaran and are not taking any action to retain the government land. The Government is also taking a double stand in this issue he added.While asking for land to the landless poor and peasants the government is saying they have no land in their hands. But they are turning a blind eye on this land. He said " CPIM and its mass organisations will take up the struggle more vigourusly in the ocming days until the government land is retained"
Concluding its four-day 12th AP State conference here on Wednesday, CITU has vowed to fight the anti-worker policies of the governments across all sectors and along with the other unions.
Addressing a press conference, State President S. Veeraiah and general secretary R. Sudhabhaskar said the government was stifling trade union rights and a grand resistance would be built to fight it. Doing away with the decade-old condition that seven workers could start a union, the government was making 100 workers or 10 per cent of the workforce a condition. The number of outsiders among office-bearers was also being reduced to 50 per cent for the organised sector.
The Central Indian Trade Unions (CITU ) is planning to spread its movements by not only holding protests and rallies, but also to take up cudgels and fight for the personal needs of members of theworking class, said CITU Andhra Pradesh General secretary R Sudha Bhaskar.
He said the state government is creating a war like situation. ''It is trying to convert the state into a Union less land which is conducive to the private sector. The state government is going to get the SEZs under the Special Economic Manufacturing Zone (SEMZ) purview, which ignores the rights of the working class,'' he said.
Mr Bhaskar said the fate of the mid-day meal, Anganwadi and Aasha workers was very pathetic as the government was not paying them the wages due to them. They only earn a meagre amount of Rs 400 on completion of an assignment, he said.
The 1,50,000 mid day meal workers and the 70,000 Aasha workers were driven to a state of semi-employed state by the government, he alleged. He also claimed that the mid day meal workers were not paid even a single paisa since December. The CITU is planning to stage dharnas before the CDPO offices on the June 18, he announced.
According to the Dr Arjun Sengupta Committee report there are one crore unorganised workers in the state. CITU is going to build strong movements in the unorganised sector, he said. CITU is surging ahead by building trade union movements in the wake of the mass scale privatisation in the state. ''Our union is gearing itself to meet future challenges and to meet the needs of the unorganised sector, which is growing by the day. In the present conference, we are planning not only to improve our strength in numbers, but also our working pattern,'' he said.
The ongoing conference is discussing various aspects of functioning, categorising them into five broad operations terming them as Missions. The missions are presently mulling on the democratic work pattern, account systems, membership, working class unity at the ground level, building workers movements in municipal towns, he elaborated.
CITU membership has increased to 5,76,000 from 4,44,000 when the last conference took place, he said. CITU is also taking up the workers movements in the public sector by way of united struggles by tying up with the central unions. At present CITU is working with Nine central unions, he said.
Trade union activities were barred in the special investment zones proposed by the government in its draft new industrial policy, Mr. Sudhabhaskar said, adding that the State conference had decided to build movements strengthening CITU in all mandals and towns.
Deploring the attacks on trade unions, Mr. Veeraiah described it as the culmination of the policies of globalisation and privatisation launched in 1990s. He cited the instance of a circular being issued to identify persons ‘creating problems' in running the anganwadi centres.
Re-elected
Mr S.Veeraiah and Mr R. Sudhabhaskar have been re-elected president and general secretary of CITU at the 12 th AP State conference that concluded here on Wednesday. Md. Abbas will be the new treasurer. Besides 12 vice-presidents and 11 secretaries, 26 office-bearers, a council and committee comprising 188 members 110 members respectively were elected.
CITU is participating in a convention of working class at New Delhi along with all the central trade unions on July 15. In the present conference, CITU is also focusing on the fishermens movements, he said.
On the 30th May, 2010, CITU has completed 40 years of its existence – a period of glorious struggler for unity of the working class and creditable achievements. Anyone, who has been associated with the work of CITU during this period can surely be proud of the great sacrifices made by the members, cadres and leaders of CITU in defence of the rights of not only the working class of India but also in defence of the unity and integrity of this country. CITU has also been in the forefront of upholding the banner of proletarian internationalism from the very platform of its foundation conference.
The background
Looking back, any participant in the All India Trade Union Conference held in Kolkata from 28th May, 1970 to 31st May, 2010 will always cherish to remember the proceedings, decisions, mobilisations in connection with this conference. It was in this conference, on 30th May, the historic decision to form a new Central Trade Union was unanimously taken. The decision to hold this All India Conference was not a sudden decision taken by a few individuals. It is there in the pages of history now, that there was a serious and continuous struggle within AITUC, from the early 1960s, on various important issues facing the working people of the country - from the primary issues of wages, dearness allowance and bonus to the ideological and political issues including the approach to the Govt.
It was in this period that dominant leadership of AITUC advocated various new slogans including the two pillar policy and rationalisation without tears. The leadership of AITUC, in those days, blindly supported several actions of the Govt. and even employers, whether in the tripartite bodies or on the conciliation tables. This was happening at a time, when “the working class has been facing continuously ferocious attacks from the employers and Government. Despite increases in total production and productivity their usual wages has been continuously falling.” (Report of Com. P.R).
The Indian economic crisis was deepening and the attack on the workers was continuing. There were struggles all over the country, covering almost all sectors of Indian economy. At the national level, the ruling Congress was getting more and more isolated in the massive and militant struggles by various sections of people against price rise, shortage of food items etc. An intense debate was going on among the political platforms regarding altitude towards the Congress.
Developments in various states led to a situation where Congress got defeated in 8 states in the 1967 general elections. With the formation of 2 Left led Governments in West Bengal and Kerala and non Congress Government led by various grouping including far right parties like Jansangh, Swatantra parties and also regional parties like DMK in Tamilnadu, there were expectations among various sections of people including working class. The difference in approach of the various State Governments. came to the fore at the time of the 1968 September struggle of the Central Government employees. While the Central Government declared a war against its own employees and there were bloodbaths in the capital and other areas, the Left Governments took a strong pro employee position and refused to succumb to the pressure of Government of India.
With the openly declared pro people policies of West Bengal and Kerala Govts. there was a surge in the struggles in those states both by the workers and the rural working people. It should also be noted that both these Govts. declared openly that police forces should not be allowed to intervene in the struggles, as was the practice earlier. While in these states, workers could get a helping hand from the Govt. to intervene in their struggles, much to the chagrin of the employers and anti worker political parties, in other states repression was let loose on workers who were on struggle. Tamilnadu was one such state, where the Govt. of a regional political party which came to power with the support from the toiling masses and which also declared that they ‘wanted to see God, in the smiling faces of poor’ coming down on struggling workers with an iron hand.
Most unfortunately, the leadership of AITUC at this point of time was not prepared to be in the forefront of struggles that were developing all over the country. The leadership had given up class struggle and was upholding the banner of class collaboration.It was against these wrong policies that a section of the leadership both at the National and State levels raised their voice, demanded changes, pressed for democratic functioning of the organisation etc.
The efforts made by the so called minority group of ‘leftists’ to correct the line of the dominant leadership is part of the History. Starting from the 1966 Mumbai Conference of AITUC, series of efforts were made and various proposals were put forth. But even the resolutions for unified functioning adopted by the conferences were ignored.
It was under these circumstances that a meeting of 150 leading Trade Union functionanaries – members of the Working Committee and Central Council and of the State Executive and Councils of AITUC, was held in Goa on 8th and 9th of April, 1970. This meeting of leaders, who were leaders of various unions which had conducted militant struggles and had helped building up the movement, decided that it was no more possible to work within AITUC, and decided to convene an All India Trade Union Conference and to recommend the formation of a new national Trade Union centre.
Lenin Nagar Conference
The venue of the All India Conference which began with the hoisting of flag by Com. Krishna Pada Ghosh, a senior leader of the working class movement in West Bengal, was named as Lenin Nagar, as it was the birth centenary year of Com. Lenin. Com. Jyoti Basu, who was the Chairman of the Reception Committee, in his welcome address, detailed the importance of this Conference. He said “considering the multiplicity of Trade Union centres already existing in India the setting up of another centre may seem to be a divisive act.
But, on the contrary, such a centre has now become a historical necessity as a rallying organisation for the militant working class of India. The AITUC which we all helped to build up with hard work and great sacrifices of our ordinary comrades has been transformed into an instrument of surrender to the bourgeoise and a drag on determined militant struggles, by the revisionists who have seized its leadership and made it their special preserve by undemocratic methods of functioning and keeping out representative unions over which they have no control.”
Stressing the national and international tasks of the working class of India, he stressed the ‘need for a real democratic and revolutionary trade union centre which will lead the working class into militant economic struggles and simultaneously politicise them and prepare them for the struggle for power and rally them in support of the anti-imperialist struggles in all parts of the world.”
Forward to Unity and Struggle
The report to the Conference, presented by Com. P. Ramamurti explained in detail the efforts taken by the organisers of this Conference to ensure proper functioning of AITUC. The report gave details about the militant and successful struggles conducted in this period in various parts of the country and the leading role played by the West Bengal Unions as also Kerala, Tamilnadu and other states. Com. P.R. also explained the pro-people, pro workers initiatives undertaken by the left-Govts., which had been toppled by the union. The conference was being held amid severe repression let loose in both these states.
He also outlined the importance of ideological clarity for the Trade Unions. The report rated – “Socialism is the declared aim of the Trade Union movement. We can not go forward towards our goal if the Trade Union movement forgets that its main struggle is against social system – the role of landlords and capitalists. It must direct its fire against the imperialists and chiefly the American imperialists who are trying to enslave our people and impose on them neo-colonial slavery, against the monopolists and landlords who control the main levers of production. The daily struggles of the working class are a part of this general struggle.” In addition to this he underlined the importance of solidarity in the other sections of toiling people, especially the toiling peasantry and agricultural labourers. He also noted the successful efforts taken by the unions, which were participating in the conference, for building up united struggles. He called upon the unions that "such building of unity from below must be intensified hundred fold.” Dwelling at length on the wrong tendencies like bureaucratism, that had crept in some unions represented in the Conference, he exhorted to firmly combat the bureaucratic tendencies and widen the democratic functioning. He noted – “Trade Union democracy does not consist in holding annual elections and in holding periodical meetings of executive committees. We have to draw in every worker, in the running of the union, in shaping of policies, in taking decisions and in implementing them.”
He also reiterated the proposals, he had submitted to the AITUC leadership to unify the unions. These proposals included holding of elections by the joint membership of the existing unions on the basis of proportional representation, democratic functioning of unions and also approval of the executive committee and annual body and matters connected with all workers. On the whole, the report presented by Com. P.R. was not only explaining the situation in trade union movement and in the country, but also a guiding document to the future functioning of the new Trade Union Centre.
A New Trade Union Centre
It was after an elaborate discussion that the resolution on the formation of the new organisation was put before the conference.
Even on the name to be given to the new organisation, there were serious discussions and various suggestions. Finally the new organisation was born – the Centre of Indian Trade Unions, CITU. There were thunderous shouting of slogans CITU Jindabad, workers unity Jindabad and the workers of the world unite. The resolution was moved by Com. Monoranjan Roy and seconded by Com. E.Balanandan.
The Task ahead
In his concluding address Com. B.T.Ranadive, the newly elected President, gave further directions on the tasks ahead. Reminding about the angle, enthusiasm and expectations expressed all through the discussions he exhorted the delegates and leaders to work for ensuing the unity of the working class, with the clearest understanding of upholding class struggles and its supremacy. He underlined the necessity of change in the style of functioning of our unions, ensuring democratic functioning.
Com. BTR said – “We are starting a new organisation with with a new line. We wish to give new orientation to the Trade Union movement. But, for that all leaders of the Trade Union movement, every one of us must change his own consciousness; must be determined to give up the old consciousness and the old practice; then alone will we be able to carry in concrete terms a correct struggle against reformist line of all others.” He also reminded the delegates – “Some people might concentrate their fire on revisionists and forget the main enemies. This will be inexcusable……. we fight reformism, we fight revisionism, we fight every such tendency, early because our common class struggle against one main enemy is hampered.” Com. BTR further elaborated the necessity of strengthening unity by saying – “This is the time, when working class demands unity, this is the time when working class on its own thinks that unless it is united, the offensive can not be met. This is the time when our organisation must jump into the fray and tell every one, here is the banner of unity, of common action , joint action.”
The last forty-years
With the message of class unity and class struggle and banner of united movement, CITU has marched ahead. From a membership of 8,04,657 CITU has grown into an organisation of 51,45,387.
This we all understand is not at all enough and we have miles to go. But, the issues that were raised in the foundation conference were taken seriously by the organisation; despite many organisational weaknesses, which CITU has identified and is in the process of rectifying, CITU had advanced not only in its membership but also on various other tasks like taking up the issues of unorganised workers, women workers, public sector, united movements, solidarity with struggles at national and international levels.
These forty years have been years of sacrifice, advance and achievements. The unity of Central Trade Unions on issues of national importance which we have been able to achieve during the last few months have to be consolidated at the grass root level, so that the struggle is further carried forward.
The 13th conference of CITU at Chandigarh has cut out our task ahead and in the coming days, we will do all that has to be done, to attain the goals,defined by our foundation Conference.
On 30th May, 2010, CITU completed 40 years of its existence. The role of CITU in the Indian Trade Union movement has been remarkable since then. CITU advocated the concept of strengthening of class struggle to protect the interests of the working class and the people.
CITU UNDER ATTACK
Immediately after the formation of CITU, It had to face several attacks by the Government and a section of the trade unions to isolate CITU. However, CITU remained firm and steadfast in championing the cause of the working class and the path of class struggle. Also CITU advocated the need to change the social system of capitalism based on the exploitation of the working class and fight for achieving the goal of establishing of a socialist system which alone can bring basic changes in the working and living conditions of the working class. The CITU called upon the working class to participate in the political struggle so that the capitalist policies to loot the people for increasing the profits of the Corporate Sector are firmly opposed by the trade union movement.
Immediately after the formation of the CITU, a big attack was made on the steel workers at Durgapur and a bitter long drawn struggle was launched by Durgapur Steel Plant and Alloy Steel Plant workers under the leadership of CITU unions there braving onslaughts and making immense sacrifice. The CITU organised countrywide solidarity action in support of the Durgapur workers.
The historic twenty-day long strike by the railway workers in 1974, braving all victimisations, repressions and atrocities, had been the most important event of united working class action soon after the birth of CITU, which played an important role in bringing back the major part of the trade union movement in the country in the trajectory of united countrywide struggle. The NCTU line of collaboration and cooperation with the Govt got explosed. The National Coordination Committee for Railwaymen’s Struggle (NCCRS), which led the strike, emerged as the broadest industry-based platform of unity for action of the railway workers, involving also the major central trade unions except the INTUC, at that point of time. CITU played frontline role in organising solidarity with the striking railway workers braving all repression and onslaught. CITU also organised legal aid in a big way for the victimised railway workers besides other forms of relief and support. The railway strike of 1974 had not only reflected the massive unity of the railway workers, irrespective of affiliations, but also had far-reaching impact in reorienting the united movement of the entire working class as a whole and also on the then political development.
DURING EMERGENCY DAYS
Due to the brazen pro-capitalist policies pursued by the Indira Gandhi Government and consequent acute economic sufferings of the toiling people resulted in wide-spread massive struggles of the people against the policies of Indira Gandhi Government.
Indira Gandhi, seeing the growing instability of her own government, declared National Emergency on 25thJune 1975. Several opposition leaders were arrested and detained behind bars without any trial. The trade union movement was suppressed and not allowed to have any activity in the country. A strict censorship was imposed on the newspapers. Without clearance from the Govt. officials, no article could be published in the news papers. CITU had to get clearance from the Court to publish ILO Conventions on Freedom of Association and for right to collective bargaining. The Censoring Officer did not allow to publish even an article written by Dimitrov during 1930s. It could only be published with the court directive.
Taking advantage of the emergency, the Government brought a Bill in Parliament bringing down the minimum payment of Bonus from 8.33% to 4%. The CITU opposed this Bill and Members of Parliament expressed their views in Parliament. CITU actively supported the broader peoples’ struggle against the emergency rule throughout the country with Jayprakash Narayan at the forefront.
In the emergency period, strike was banned. Even legitimate trade union activities were not permit. CITU lodged complaint to the International Labour Organisation against the government's steps to suppress the trade union movement. In several industries, the wages of the workers were frozen and the government did not allow any wage rise despite rise in prices of essential commodities. In the year 1977, government was forced to withdraw the emergency and in the elections, Indira Gandhi government was squarely defeated and the Government led by Morarji Desai was formed which was the first non-congress government at the centre since Independence. Indira Gandhi herself lost the elections and the people gave a verdict against the emergency and the CITU welcomed this development.
The strength of the CITU and other trade unions increased sizably despite emergency restrictions. The end of the emergency was an end of a shameful chapter in the history of trade Union movement.
Experience of United Struggle
The phase of united countrywide struggle both at national level and at industry level have become a regular phenomenon in the trade union movement of the country mainly after emergence of CITU which played an important role in channelising the trade union movement in the trajectory of joint countrywide movement on policy issues. And for maintenance of continuity of such process of united struggle, independent initiatives on certain crucial issues facing the trade union movement and certain turning points also played an important and cementing role.
In the coal workers’ sixth round wage negotiation in 2000, CITU had to take a dissenting role, in view of other unions taking a pro-management role in signing an anti-worker MOU. Following that MOU, CITU had to go for three days’ strike in coal industry single-handedly in November 2000, which was responded to massively by the workers of all unions and ultimately the anti-worker MOU had to be scrapped and renegotiated. And this single handed initiative paved the way for united movement by all the unions in coal industry in subsequent phases. Recently, all the federations in coal industry jointly decided for a three days strike action on 5th to 7th May 2010 against disinvestment and outsourcing from a joint convention held on 27th March 2010.
But subsequently following two phases of meeting with the Coal Minister and Finance Minister, the leadership of three major federations withdrew themselves from the strike programme although in both the meetings, both the ministers reiterated the decision for disinvestment in coal India. In that situation CITU went ahead with the strike action in coal industry on 5th May 2010. Although leaders of some of the federations backtracked from committed strike action, workers en masse, much beyond the support base of CITU federation joined the strike action of 5th May in a big way declaring their resolve to resist disinvestment in coal India Ltd.
Similar situation erupted in the current phase of wage negotiation in steel industry where CITU had to go for two days strike in public steel plants against pro-management MOU signed by some other unions in 2009 which received overwhelming response from the mass of the workers resulting pro-worker changes in the wage agreement.
In the current phase of wage negotiations in PSUs, joint struggle by the public sector unions under the banner of CPSTU compelled the Govt of India to change their directive for 10 year tenure of wage agreement for the workers. But at the time of industry level negotiations, in certain PSUs, some of the unions succumbed to the pressure of management for signing agreement with 10 year tenure.
CITU refrained from signing such agreement with 10 years tenure in most of the places despite remaining alone in the negotiating forum. CITU considers signing of ten-year agreement a surrender to management’s ploy and also surrender of the achievement earned through united struggle. CITU prefers not to compromise on such principle issues even running the risk of temporary set-back and is confident that the vacillating unions will ultimately realise the blunder committed by them.
Without such principled stand on certain issues facing the movement and consistent struggle based on those principles, trade union movement cannot be kept on right track, nor the unity based on unprincipled compromise can ever be sustained.
Independent struggles
There had been occasions when CITU had to go alone to defend the interests of the working class. In the year 1971, when the Congress Govt. introduced Family Pension Scheme, CITU published a booklet “Family Pension Scheme – A Hoax” which was translated in several languages. Other Central Trade unions welcomed the Scheme but CITU pointed out that workers pay more and receive less in the Scheme. The Govt. had a net balance of Rs.14000 crores when the scheme was wound up to be replaced by the Employees Pension Scheme 1995.
On the Employees Pension Scheme introduced in 1995, the CITU again opposed the scheme on the same ground that whatever is being taken away from the workers for the pension fund, workers will not get back even a small fraction of their own contribution in the form pension. Moreover, CITU had shown through its publication containing detail calculation that the scheme based on funding proposed by the Govt cannot be sustainable and workers will stand to lose further.
CITU demanded the scrapping of the scheme and demanded introduction of pension scheme as a third retirement benefit in addition to PF and Gratuity. However, other Central Trade Unions supported the Govt and CITU had to fight virtually alone. CITU along with a few other unions went for one day strike against the scheme which received good response among the mass of the workers. Present status of the Employees Pension Scheme and the meagre return received by the workers has proved every assessment of CITU made during the introduction of the scheme. Over and above the Govt of the day has made unilateral change in the scheme by way of reducing the benefits further exercising the power under the relevant legislation which was once supported unconditionally by all the Central Trade unions except CITU. The Steel workers Federation of India fought in the Supreme Court pointing out the shortcomings of the scheme, but could not succeed. Now after long drawn experience all the Central Trade Unions have become critical of the scheme.
STRENGTHENING PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM
Indian Trade Union movement is a part of the world wide struggle of the working class against capitalist exploitation. In the foundation Conference itself, CITU advocated strong international solidarity of the working class.
It had developed friendly ties with WFTU. However, in eighties when WFTU advocated de ideologisation of the working class and gave up struggle against imperialist machinations, CITU strongly voiced its opposition against such approach. However, since Havana Congress of WFTU, there has been change in the policies of WFTU which spoke against imperialism and advocated class struggle as the bedrock of WFTU policies. The CITU welcomed this shift in policies and strengthened ties of friendship with WFTU and also has taken leading role in many of its wing organisation's such as TUI-Energy, TUI-Steel, TUI-Public Services etc.
CITU also developed ties of friendship with Trade unions viz ACTU of Australia, KCTU of South Korea, COSATU of South Africa, CUT of Brazil, KMU of Philippines, Zenroren of Japan, CGT of France who are outside the framework of WFTU.
It is playing a prominent role in the activities of Southern Initiative on Globalisation and Trade Union Rights (SIGTUR) which fights against imperialism and Globalisation.
CITU hosted two SIGTUR Conferences in Kolkata and Kochi which were very successful. CITU is playing an important role in International Energy and Miners Organisations. Though International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) does not fight globalisation and imperialist machinations, many of their affiliates who are pursuing anti-globalisation and anti-imperialism lines are keeping close relations with CITU and maintaining regular exchanges of delegations and interactions.
The CITU Conferences are attended by larger and larger number of International organisations and CITU has developed bilateral ties with more than 40 countries in all the four continents. The CITU delegates attending ILO meetings are championing the cause of trade unions in developing countries and strengthen the ties of friendship with all trade unions that take anti imperialist positions and fight against the policies of neoliberal globalisation.
LOOKING FORWARD TO A BRIGHT FUTURE
The decision of the CITU’s 13th Conference at Chandigarh to increase the membership to 75 lakhs by the next conference is a big challenge before us. We have to pay more attention to the work among the unorganised sector workers. Major section of them is yet to be organised in the trade union movement.
We must also take special initiative in organising the contract workers whose number has been increasing every day in all the industries. We also have to strengthen our activities among the core sector of economy such as financial, energy, transport and communication sectors whose striking power against capitalist operation are of great significance. We cannot meet the capitalist offensive effectively unless we give more emphasis in strengthening our organisation and struggles in weaker areas. The prestige of our movement is stronger areas cannot be lasting unless we make advancement in the weaker areas. If we give more emphasis on organising local struggles in these areas, possibilities of growing are immense.
We have to further improve our work among the working women and involve them more and more in trade union activities. It is possible to increase the percentage of our women membership much beyond 30 per cent in the next three years. There is urgent need to streamline and improve our organisational framework at all levels to expand the intervening capacity of the trade union movement. Directions and guidelines of the Bhubaneshwar resolution need to be specially emphasised and implemented. Alertness by all our leading bodies to pressing issues of the working class and reflect them in our activities would result in faster expansion of the movement. We must fully harness the growing urge among the working class for unity and united struggles.
We must pay more attention to heighten the level of ideological and political understanding of our cadres. We must pay full attention to implement the decisions of 13th Conference of CITU in this regard. Year long education campaign at all the level of our organisation as decided by the 13th Conference must be taken up with all seriousness as a part of observance of 40th Anniversary year of CITU.
Our struggle against erroneous ideologies within the working class movement must be strengthened so that correct class ideologies are percolated among the mass of the working class all over India.
Popularisation of socialist ideology among the working class is of paramount importance today when capitalism is making strenuous efforts to sow illusions among the workers. The project of P Ramamurty Memorial Trade Union School will have to be completed at the earliest for which support of the mass off the working people is solicited by CITU. The working class and trade union movement in India must move forward with revolutionary orientation. The CITU has to play a crucial role in achieving this goal.
Let us move forward to a bright future
Working class and the people of India can decide their own destiny if they are united, ideologically equipped and determined to fight for changes for a bright future.
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) strongly disapproves the discriminatory order of the Department of Telecommunications to BSNL directing it to pay higher licence fee for 3 G spectrum than the private operators.
While the private operators have been asked to pay the licence fee on their income, the BSNL has been asked to pay on its revenue. This will put additional burden on the premier public sector undertaking amounting several thousand crores of rupees.
The Polit Bureau demands withdrawal of this unjust order of the DoT and allow BSNL to pay licence fee at par with private sector operators.
This development once again underlines the pro-private sector stance of the UPA government, in general, and Telecommunication Minister A. Raja, in particular, which should be resolutely opposed by all those who want to defend the public sector.
‘Globalisation promoting use-and-throw culture : V S Achuthanandan
Kerala Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan on Monday expressed concern that the new economic policies of globalisation were promoting a “use-and-throw” culture with respect to hiring of employees for industries and the IT sector.
Speaking after inaugurating the EMS Bhavan built in honour of the legendary Communist leader and former Kerala Chief Minister E.M.S. Namboodiripad by the A.K. Gopalan Memorial Social Education Trust, in Bangalore, Mr. Achuthanandan said such policies had more influence in Bangalore which had a large number of industrial workforce and IT employees. He stressed the need for having permanent jobs and incentives instead of promoting use-and-throw culture.It was possible to strengthen the influence and scope of the Leftist progressive movements by campaigning against such new kind of exploitations, he noted.Referring to Karnataka, he said it was a State where religion, caste and identity politics were deeply rooted.EMS Bhavan Managing Trustee G.N. Nagaraj pointed out that the Bhavan was being inaugurated on Monday to mark the 101th birth anniversary of the late EMS. He said the Bhavan with an area of 6,000 square feet had been built at a cost of about Rs. 1 crore collected from the working class.
The main intention was to turn the Bhavan into a Study Centre for progressive social struggles and a training centre for activists of such movements. The Bhavan will also house a research centre in which the State's social, economical, political and cultural conditions will be studied in an unbiased manner.
CPI(M) State Secretary V.J.K. Nair, who is also honorary secretary of the trust, remarked that the Bhavan with its study and research centres would turn out to be a university for studying the condition of farmers, working class and oppressed sections.
Becoming VC in Karnataka is a tragedy: U R Ananthamurthy
“Becoming a vice-chancellor in any university in Karnataka now is a tragedy,” Jnanpith Award winner and former vice-chancellor U.R. Ananthamurthy remarked, hinting at increasing “political interference” and “lack of freedom” in the education sector.
Participating in a programme here on Monday to mark the inauguration of the EMS Bhavan, Prof. Murthy, who served as vice-chancellor of Mahatma Gandhi University in Kottayam in Kerala, recalled that none of the politicians interfered with his work. “I had total freedom. In fact, I had even gone to the extent of criticising some of the stands and ideological views of the Communist party there. But those leaders were open to such a dialogue. The maximum limit to which they went was to tell me that they like me, but not all my writings. This is a proof to show that it was possible to have a healthy dialogue there.” “In Karnataka, the situation is too bad,” he added
Raising the heat on the Congress over the Bhopal gas issue, senior CPI(M) leader Brinda Karat on Monday demanded that the party tender an apology to the country for allegedly providing safe passage to Warren Anderson in the aftermath of the disaster.
“The Congress should tender an apology to the nation for giving safe passage to Warren Anderson,” Ms. Karat, a Rajya Sabha MP, said at a public rally here.
At a function in Bangalore, Kerala Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan on Monday said it was improper to let Anderson leave the country, but refused to blame any Congress leader at this stage.
Ms. Karat also demanded a comprehensive and independent inquiry in the matter saying the Group of Ministers (GoM) set up by the UPA government would not be able to probe the failure on the part of the government, judiciary and other agencies following the gas disaster in 1984.
“The UPA government has devised a tool in the form of GoM to put sensitive issues on the back burner,” Ms. Karat said.
Ms. Karat also accused the NDA regime of serving the interests of landlords by refusing to implement recommendations of the D. Bandyopadhyay Commission on land reforms in Bihar.
Addressing a rally taken out by the All India Kisan Sabha and All India Agricultural Workers Union, the CPI(M) politburo member alleged that Chief Minister Nitish Kumar had announced that Bandyopadhyay Commission recommendations would not be implemented as he was under pressure from big landlords.
After becoming chief minister in 2005, Kumar had set up the Land Reforms Commission under D. Bandyopadhyay, credited as a key architect of land reforms in West Bengal. The commission submitted its report to the government in 2008.
Ms. Karat asked her party members to launch a movement demanding implementation of the commission’s recommendations.
Castigating the anti-labour policies of the UPA government, divestment in public sector units and corruption, Kerala Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan called for struggles against the wrong economic decisions of the State and Central governments in collaboration with different sectors of people.
Addressing a public meeting here on Sunday organised to mark the three-day 12th AP State conference of CITU, he assailed corruption stating that around Rs.20,000 crore was involved in the 2G spectrum deal that was concluded by Union Minister A. Raja and this was only the tip of the iceberg. The Kerala Chief Minister who delivered his speech in Malayalam, which was translated into Telugu by a CPI(M) leader, said Prime Minister Manmohan Singh could not do anything as the UPA government was at the mercy of Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi.
LDF implementing pro-poor programmes
Comparing the performance of the Congress and the BJP governments in various States with that of the LDF Government in Kerala, its Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan gave a detailed account of the welfare measures being implemented there highlighting the difference in policies.He said 1,500 farmers who committed suicide had been given Rs.50,000 as ex gratia, loans taken from co-operatives were waived and interest-free advanced provided.
An impressive rally was taken out from the Railway Grounds to the old Jail Road, the venue of the public meeting. The paddy support price was increased from Rs.7 a kg to Rs.12. While other government were closing down PSUs, in Kerala PSUs were run and brought into the green.
In the power deficient State, MPs, MLAs and sarpanches parted with a part of their allowance and with contribution from the electricity board energised the entire Palakkad district, Mr.Achuthanandan said. By the time the government completed its term, the entire State would get electricity.
Also land was distributed among 4.3 lakh persons during the last four years under a scheme named after stalwart EMS Namboodiripad. Land at the Munnar tourist centre was recovered from corporates.
House-sites were given and two lakh houses constructed for the poor and another three lakh would be constructed. As many as 38 lakh families were being provided rice at Rs.2 a kg. Also treatment up to a cost of Rs.75,000 was being provided free in hospitals.
Motive force
Stating that the experiences of Telangana struggle were a motive force in organising the peasants and workers in Kerala, Mr. Achuthanandan said at the same time he had participated in the legendary Punnapra-Vayalar resistance in Kerala.
CITU all-India President A.K. Padmanabhan said when CITU began fighting the liberalisation policies two decades ago few were with it. After 12 national strikes, others joined it and since September last nine central trade unions came together to fight on major issues like price rise, unemployment, protection of trade union rights and social security of unorganised sector.
CITU State president S.Veeraiah said irrespective of who the Chief Minister was the pro-rich and anti-people and anti-labour policies of the Congress were continuing in the State.
Vice-President S.Punyavathi said the CITU had gained strength over the last few decades with significant presence in all sectors. CITU all-India general secretary Tapan Sen, secretary K. Hemalatha, MLC M.V.S. Sarma, Reception Committee Chairman Ch.Narsinga Rao, CITU vice-presidents P. Roja and A. Ajay Sarma, general secretary R.Sudhabhaskar and former MLA Paturu Ramaiah participated.
With the aim of creating a new national platform for tribal rights - Adivasi Adhikar Rashtriya Manch - the national convention on tribal rights started in New Delhi on 12th June. Loksabha member from Tripura Com. Babjan Riyan inaugurated the convention being held at Bangabhawan in Mandi House. "Only the governments led by the left front in the country is giving importance to the issues of adivasis " he said during the inaugural speech. Com. Brinda Karat, CPIM polit buerue member place the report. CPIM General Secretary Com Prakash Karat, Com. Sitaram Yechury, Com. Biman Bose were also present at the function. 230 delegated representing various adivasi organisations of 14 states are participating in the convention. Delegates from Kerala, Madhya pradesh, Chathisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Orrisa, Tamil Nadu, Tripura, Jharkand, Rajastan, Westbengal, Maharashta, Gujrat and Assam are present at the function.
Towards the National Convention on Tribal Rights
Brinda Karat (Peoples Democracy)
On June 12 and 13, around 230 delegates from States across the country will participate in a National Convention on Tribal Rights to share their experiences of resistance and struggle and to work out a plan for future actions on the urgent issues and demands of tribal communities. The convention will also discuss the steps required for expansion and consolidation of organised work among tribal communities. On the agenda of the convention is the formation of an Adivasi Adhikar Rashtriya Manch — a national platform for tribal rights — which should help to build a coordinated and effective nationwide movement and intervention in defence of and for the advancement of the rights of tribal citizens of India.
The concerns of tribal communities for justice surely do hold an equally importance place for other organised anti-capitalist, anti-landlord movements like those of the kisans and the trade unions. Further, in most spheres such as employment, health, education, and in basic socio-economic indicators, tribal citizens among students, women and youth share the lowest rung of the hierarchy with the SCs. This convention will also include delegates from the major organisations representing these different sections which will provide an opportunity to understand the multi-dimensional character of the present offensive faced by tribal citizens.
The policies of the UPA government led by the Congress party, and an intensification of the policies followed by the earlier NDA government as far as forcible land evictions, takeover of tribal land for corporates in violation of constitutional provisions, its policies leading to further food insecurity and widespread malnutrition among adivasi communities, make a mockery of its claims of inclusive growth. The convention is slated to discuss the importance of intensifying the struggles against the present central government and its policies.
No movement for justice can hope to advance if it does not address in specific terms the oppressions and exploitations of different social groups in our country, be they the scheduled castes, the scheduled Tribes, women who suffer particular discrimination and oppression on the basis of gender or those like the minority Muslim community who suffer discrimination on the basis of their religion.
Tribal communities face both social and economic discrimination and exploitation. The large majority of tribals belong to the exploited classes and thus form a most important contingent, in class terms, in the struggle for revolutionary social change.
AS MARGINAL PEASANTS
As many as 70 per cent of the tribal people are small and marginal farmers owning small plots of land with very low levels of productivity. Over 30 per cent of the tribals are landless. It is estimated that between 15-20 per cent of tribals are without even homestead land and houses. Ironically, the most deprived in our society, the tribals, live on the most sought after mineral-rich land and are the victims of predatory policies intensified under both the NDA and the UPA regimes, which give license to corporate houses to grab the land, to evict the tribals while giving them meagre or no compensation.
The issue of land rights, of land reforms, of the struggle against displacement, of the struggle against land alienation will no doubt be a central issue in the convention. Since 2002, 4 million hectares of forestland has been diverted for projects for SEZs, mining, irrigation, dams etc, displacing lakhs of tribal and other poor families. In this period many important and militant struggles for land led by Left led organisations of the tribals have taken place such as those in Vishakha and Pollavaram in Andhra Pradesh, in Sundargarh, Jejpur and Jagjitsighnagar in Orissa, in Ranchi, Kundahit and Dumka in Jharkhand, in Thane, Nanded and Nasik in Maharashtra, in Satna and Shadol in Madhya Pradesh. Many participants in these struggles will attend the convention and the delegates will have an opportunity to hear first hand accounts of the struggles. Experience shows that it is not a blanket opposition to all projects in tribal areas. The position taken depends upon the displacement and environmental damage which it would cause and the negative impact it may have on tribal livelihoods. The procedures and processes of consent of gram sabhas in the Fifth Schedule areas or compact tribal areas are also crucial and no clearances can be given without such consent. In some areas alternative sites have been suggested. There are also cases where alternative irrigation projects and dams have been suggested which would have been less displacing but have been refused by the Governments concerned leading to intensified struggles. At the same time, the poor implementation of the Forest Rights Act and the unwarranted interventions of the forest department in several states to sabotage the process of giving pattas to adivasis on forest land is a matter of deep concern. Official statistics point to an alarming number of claimants to land which have been rejected. As per the information on the Ministry of Tribal Affairs website, till March 31, 2010, more than 27.44 lakh claims have been filed but only one-fourth, 7.82 lakh titles have been distributed.
AS WORKERS
The acute crisis in agriculture in tribal compact areas with little or no irrigation as well as the massive displacement taking place in tribal areas and the relentless process of land alienation even in areas protected under the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, is forcing tribals to join the ranks of the rural and urban proletariat and as workers in the unorganised sector.
For example, a large number of tribal men and women are joining the construction industry. Trade unions of construction workers, organised by the CITU with a large membership of tribals, can play an important role in organising tribals in rural areas because of the close links with the tribals living in tribal compact areas.
Large numbers of tribals are also employed as coal workers or in iron ore mines, quarries though mostly as contract or casual workers with very few rights, as brick kiln workers and so on, and women are migrating to become domestic workers in cities. Thus there is a growing potential for tribals workers to join the common trade unions of workers provided there is sensitivity to their specific social and economic position. It has been seen in States like Andhra Pradesh where the Girijan Sangham has made specific attempts, how tribal anganwadi workers have taken the lead in organising other less organised sections of the rural poor tribals. These inspiring examples of the leading role of tribal employees and working class members to organise the less organised can show the way for others.
ASSAULT ON TRIBAL CULTURES
The aggressive spread of capitalist relations in the agrarian sector and its impact on tribal communities has its reflection on not only the economic and social sphere but on the cultural frameworks within which tribal communities live and work. The languages and cultures of tribal people are under severe attack. Capitalist values and consumerism have their own impact even on marriage practices in tribal communities with hitherto unheard of practices like dowry demands making an appearance. Dominant casteist Hindutva cultures are also sought to be imposed.
The National Convention is being held at a time of twin assaults on tribal cultures and identities. On the one hand are those forces who seek to divide tribals in the name of religion led by fundamentalists. Many of these are front organisations working under the aegis of the RSS. We have seen the dreadful face of these forces in the violence for example in Kandhamal in Orissa where divisions and rifts created by RSS organisations in the name of ethnic and caste identities among communities equally poor led to terrible consequences of loss of lives, livelihoods and fraternal relations. On the other hand are certain NGOs funded by imperialist forces and other political forces who are promoting different variants of identity politics. In doing so they seek to fragment and separate the identity of tribal communities from their proletarian character, isolating them from the joint struggles of workers and peasants. These trends do great damage to the democratic requirement to protect tribal cultures languages and identities, while building unity in the struggles of all working people for justice and for the defence and advancement of the rights of tribal peoples.
In this context the convention will have the opportunity to hear the experience of the delegates from many states, particularly of those from the states where there are Left led governments. Although Jharkhand is a Fifth Schedule area with a large population of Santhals, the Santhals of Jharkhand do not have the same rights as their counterparts across the border in West Bengal, where the Left Front government has set up as many as 1500 schools with the Ol Chiki language (spoken by Santhals) as the medium of instruction to ensure that the right of education in one’s own language is ensured to tribal communities. In Jharkhand there are not even one third of such schools. Similiarly, in Tripura, it is the Left Front Government which has recognised and developed Kok Borok as the language of instruction demanding its inclusion in the eighth schedule of the constitution.
AGAINST MAOISTS
In this period, in many states, tribal communities have become victim to the violent activities of Maoists whose savage and indiscriminate violence against all those who dare oppose them has victimised tribals many of whom have been brutally killed for opposing the Maoists. In some states like Chhattisgarh the state has unleashed repression in tribal areas in the name of fighting Maoists. We strongly condemn such repression. Innocent tribals are caught between the Maoist and official repression in this state, leading to the condemnable displacement and terrible suffering of thousands of tribal families, particularly tribal women who have also been brutally assaulted by security forces in several instances, including sexual assault.
The claim of the Maoists that they represent the interests of tribals will no doubt be challenged by the experiences of many of the delegations. In Orissa, when the loved and respected trade union leader of the iron ore mine workers Comrade Thomas Munda was brutally killed by Maoists, the question is who benefited except the management and labour contractors of the mines who wanted to retrench the workers but were prevented from doing so by the courageous leadership provided by Thomas Munda. 3000 adivasis were displaced by Maoist violence in this area of Sundargarh for six months. Their land was taken over by the Maoists. These families have now gone back to their village determined to till their own land and face the Maoists. In Jharkhand in a similar deal between Maoists and industrialists, large amounts of land have been forcibly taken over by a well known steel company in the East Singhhum area of Jharkhand where the Maoist presence is strong. Similarly, in the Latehar district also, a well known company had forcibly taken over land under the benign patronage of the Maoists. Among the delegations will be that of West Bengal, many of the delegates from the worst affected areas, where to be a CPI(M) supporter is to court death and violence. They have seen the brutal killing of their comrades in the Jangal Mahal areas.Yet these comrades live through these high levels of tension on a daily basis unwavering in their commitment to fighting the mindless violence of the Maoists in West Bengal and their reactionary aim to eliminate CPI(M) cadre and to help the anti-Left forces destabilise the government. The Maoists masquerading in the name of Left politics have to be fought at the political and ideological level while at the same time we demand firm administrative measures against their activities.
AGAINST DIVISIONS
In the North-East, policies of successive governments leading to underdevelopment and grave disparities have fanned ethnic violence of one tribe against the other as in Assam. Extremist forces have targeted innocent people causing great insecurity to the lives of common people. In this context is the inspiring example of Tripura under the Left Front government and Left led movements, which have through pro-people, pro-tribal policies and struggles been able to politically isolate extremist forces who sought to disrupt unity between tribal and non-tribal citizens, and have built a strong democratic movement for justice.
OTHER ISSUES OF IMPORTANCE
The major issues are certainly those of land rights and livelihood, jobs and ensuring that thousands of vacancies in government ST reserved posts are filled. At the same time the impact of neo-liberal policies in tribal compact areas is seen in the official statistics that show that in all major social sector areas, the status of tribal communities is way below the national average in terms of education, access to health facilities, drinking water, sanitation, electricity, roads, infrastructure. The specific experiences of tribal women, students and youth and the impact of current economic polices on them will no doubt form an important part of the charter of demands that the convention is expected to discuss and finalise.
While the hard work and labour of tribals contributes considerably to the country’s GDP, it is tribals who are the most deprived of the fruits of the current growth rates that India boasts of.
This is reflected in the central government budgetary allocations. Although in monetary terms the allocations are higher, in terms of the percentage of allocations for the Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) which it is mandated must be in proportion to the tribal population, the allocations are far less. The proportion of total plan outlay of the central government earmarked for STs has in fact decreased from 4.77 percent in 2007-08 (budget estimate) to 4.45 percent in 2008-09 (BE). The allocation for the TSP as a percentage of the annual plan expenditure in 2010-2011 should be around Rs 23, 311 crore, but it is less than half of that.
ALTERNATIVE POLICIES OF LEFT LED GOVERNMENTS
In contrast, Left led governments have tried to implement pro-tribal policies. To give a few examples: In West Bengal, tribals constitute 5.5 per cent of the population but they constitute 19 per cent of the beneficiaries of land distribution. As far as the prices for minor forest produce are concerned, West Bengal has the highest rates. For example, in case of tendu leaves, whereas 100 rupees are paid here for collection of 5000 leaves, in comparison to 80 rupees in Andhra Pradesh and Orissa. It is only in West Bengal that 1.75 lakh senior tribal citizens are being given 750 rupees a month as old age pensions. The process of certification has been simplified and being conducted through open enquiries.
With a tribal population of around 30 percent Tripura under the Left front Government has set an example not only the best among NE states, but has a high ranking in the whole country with the central government also noting in several reports its record in ensuring that the benefits of existing schemes reach the tribal communities. Tripura has the best record in implementation of the Sixth Schedule, the guarantee of regular elections, the strengthening of democratic structures through the formation of elected village committees. Tripura has the best record in implementation of the Forest Rights Act and granting of pattas to the tribal beneficiaries.
In Kerala, where there is a 1.26 percent of tribal population, the LDF government has taken a major step in distribution of homestead land to the tribal people. Thousands of families have been given such land. Importantly, the government did not allow police to intervene in the just land struggle of the tribals and 3000 families could occupy land. The LDF government withdrew false cases which had been registered by the previous Congress government against the tribals. Many other important schemes like old age pension, widow pensions and other social security measures have been taken by the government for the tribal people.
Just as the earlier Ranchi convention in 2002 had given a big fillip to the organisation and struggles of the adivasi people, this national convention will no doubt prove to be an important milestone in taking forward the struggle for the defence of the rights of tribal communities.
The State Government should withdraw recognition for schools that collected fees over and above the limit prescribed by the Govindarajan Committee. The fee structure should be posted in the internet for public view and individual schools should be asked to display their fee structure on notice boards, said the State secretary of Communist Party of India (Marxist), G. Ramakrishnan, on Friday.
Addressing a press conference here, Mr. Ramakrishnan said that many private schools were collecting excess fees and some even resorted to ingenious ways, like asking the parents to deposit the difference of fee in a ‘hundi.' While receipts were issued for the prescribed fee the difference was accepted without any acknowledgement.
Some schools maintained that the fee collected now was for one term and some manipulated with transport and hostel fees. When parents questioned the collection of excess fees, some schools even threatened to close down, he said.
The CPI (M) leader wanted the government to ensure that only the fee prescribed by the Govindarajan Committee was collected by private schools.
“Take over”
Failure to do so should attract de-recognition and the government should take over such schools. The party, he said, opposed the decision to allow private schools to have their own textbooks under the ‘samacheer kalvi' scheme. This would only lead to disparities between aided and private schools and ultimately defeat the purpose of the scheme. The move to allow foreign universities in the country would have an adverse impact on the education system, he said.
Mr. Ramakrishnan appealed to the State Government to distribute 740 acres of government poromboke land reclaimed from encroachers in Tallavada village of Gummidipoondi taluk to the Dalits and landless people. A similar step should be taken in the case of 199 acres of land in Kaverirajapuram.
Explaining the stand of the State CPI (M) in the Mullaperiyar issue, Mr. Ramakrishnan said that it was for implementation of the Supreme Court order of raising the dam level to 142 feet from the present 136 feet.
Tamil Nadu, he said, should voice the aspirations of the people of southern districts in the five-member committee constituted by the apex court to review the issue.
